Late Postclassic lowland Maya civic-ceremonial masonry architecture appears in two main configurations—temple assemblages and basic ceremonial groups—first identified at Mayapan. Around the Peten lakes, these two architectural complexes have been tied to northern immigrant Kowojs and Itzas, respectively, and their distributions map the varying control over the lakes by these two ethnopolities. Temple assemblages exhibit considerable variation in their structural components and arrangements throughout the lowlands, but they have not been studied comparatively. Here, we examine 14 temple assemblages at 12 lowland sites. We consider one of the two assemblages at Zacpeten (Sak Peten), Group A, to have been built by Kowojs, who asserted their identity and earlier (Late/Terminal Classic) ties to the site by reusing carved monuments. “Blended” assemblage Group C is more difficult to parse, but reflects cosmo-calendrical principles of statecraft and the builders’ and users’ broader ties to Mayapan and Topoxte.

In the course of the project ‘Pottery Production and Distribution of Bronze Age Settlements of Mycenaean Greece and the Aegean’ in 1996, Mycenaean pottery from Boeotia in the Archaeological Museum of Thebes was sampled with a view to investigation by neutron activation analysis (NAA). The NAA results were published and analysed in 2002. Ongoing work with new samples and re-evaluation of pre-existing ones, in both cases deriving from several sites of the Mycenaean world, resulted in the reappraisal of the NAA results concerning the Theban material. The present work aims at the archaeological assessment of the sampled material (152 samples from 148 examples) organised into three sections according to their exact findspot: (a) the chamber tomb cemeteries at Agia Anna area (Kolonaki and Mikro Kolonaki hills) and at Ismenion Hill; (b) the House of Kadmos; and (c) habitation areas at the lower south-east and north-west part of Kadmeia Hill. This classification corresponds roughly to the chronology of the examples dated to Middle Helladic and Late Helladic II to Late Helladic IIIC Late. The bulk of the pottery sampled is Mycenaean. A few examples of Handmade Burnished Pottery are included as well as four fragments of rooftiles, an uninscribed fragment of a Linear B tablet and a clay lump intended for a tablet. Twenty-one chemical groups/subgroups/pairs have been identified. The groups assigned to Boeotia comprise numerous examples excavated mainly at the habitation areas and dated to the subphase Late Helladic IIIB2 Late. Imports from the Peloponnese, Euboea and Crete, as well as one from Corfu, have been recognised, as have pieces of unknown provenance and loners. In conclusion, five chemical groups of pottery (TheA, TanA, TheB, ThBC, TheF) are associated with varying degrees of certainty with Boeotian pottery production. Imports came mainly from the north-eastern Peloponnese in Early Mycenaean times and from Euboea in the late palatial and post-palatial periods.

Museums are often considered to be spaces of the authentic, where the real, unique and original is exhibited, and where the accurate past is conveyed. By means of two watercraft, Nydam Boat and Kon-Tiki, it is illustrated how their materiality and authenticity are shaped by processes of musealization, reconstruction, restoration and ways of narrating the past and staging exhibits. While their substances remain present and perceptible, they are also subjected to material changes and changing perceptions over time. From a cultural constructivist perspective, it is illustrated how museum exhibits may be perceived as authentic and how this is related to their materials.

This article focuses on passages in which Confucius is portrayed in dialogue with Lord Ai of Lu (r. 494–468 bce), found scattered throughout a range of early texts, most centrally in the Li ji, the Da Dai Li ji, and the Xunzi. Examining intertextual connections among these dialogues and related texts, both received and excavated, it seeks to adduce evidence to determine whether their particular shared narrative frame might be original and integral to the content of these texts, as well as to reveal their close links with other early Confucian texts that hold important implications for the dating of all these interrelated texts.

The *Rui Liangfu bi, a previously unattested Warring States manuscript held by Tsinghua University, purports to record two admonitory songs that Rui Liangfu (fl. ninth century bce) presented to King Li (r. 853/57–841 bce) and his derelict ministers at court. The genre identity of the manuscript text is contested, owing in part to two similar texts, a shi-poem preserved in the Odes and a shu-document in the Yi Zhou shu, also traditionally interpreted as Rui Liangfu’s speech at the same event. Although none of the three texts share anything literatim with one another, they all rhyme and cleave closely to a well-known legend. Proceeding from complete translation of the manuscript text, I show that it diverges significantly from the canonical categories thus far used to classify it, with regard to both prosody and theme. Moreover, a structural analysis reveals that the manuscript’s paratextual encapsulation demonstrates an early precedent for the explicit, historical contextualization of songs that became pervasive in the Mao Odes. On the basis of structure, the manuscript can also be classed with a set of verse collections known only in manuscript form, save for one “forgery” preserved in the ancient-script Documents.

Studies of the Jing Ke lore in early China have focused on three major texts: the “Yan ce” 燕策 (Stratagems of the Yan) in Zhanguo ce 戰國策 (Stratagems of the Warring States), “Cike liezhuan” 刺客列傳 (The Biography of Assassins) in the Shi ji 史記 (Grand Archivist’s Records), and Yan Dan zi 燕丹子 (Prince Dan of Yan). Most discussions have centered on the similarities and differences among the three accounts—e.g., how the main characters are depicted, and different interpretations of Jing Ke’s motivations and Prince Dan’s plot. However, a myriad of transmitted and excavated materials on the Jing Ke lore have not been sufficiently discussed in the context of the culture of early China. This article adopts a multidisciplinary approach, combining literature, history, philosophy, fine arts, and archaeology, to examine Pre-Qin and Han dynasty accounts of the Jing Ke lore. In addition, this article comprehensively investigates the iconography of the Jing Ke lore found in burial paintings and huaxiang shi 畫像石 (pictorial stones) dating to the Han dynasty which have been found throughout China. It delves into the disparities between these visual representations and the records of the Jing Ke lore in transmitted texts and explains the likely underlying reasons behind these disparities. By analyzing both transmitted texts and excavated materials, this article traces the construction of this influential and controversial figure in early China, and in elite discourse as well as in folk culture and art, and in so doing provides a glimpse into the transformation of the socio-political, literary, and intellectual history of early China.

This article brings to light a previously unedited short treatise, the Masʾalatān (Two Questions), attributed to Avicenna (d. 1037). While the earliest witness to the text is the Ayasofya 4853 manuscript, containing a substantial portion of Avicenna's Nachlass, some of which is integrated into the Mubāḥaṯāt and Taʿlīqāt, the Masʾalatān has remained a standalone work with limited circulation. Consequently, the primary concern revolves around the verification of its authenticity and its feasibility given the available data. This article presents a critical edition of the text alongside a parallel translation but it also serves as a case study on the possibilities of authorship verification. It also compiles information from codicology, nevertheless, it primarily focuses on the commentary that analyses and compares the arguments to Avicenna's unquestionably authentic solutions. The first question addresses whether every existent is spatially located, while the second explores the impossibility of an actual infinite body. The commentary endeavors to interpret the text against the cultural and theological background that may have inspired such inquiries, meanwhile also seeks to address its later influence. In addition to unveiling a hitherto unseen text to the scholarly community for further research, it also offers an insight into the limitations of authorship attribution.

Ibn Sīnā famously opens The Metaphysics (Al-ilāhiyyāt) of The Healing (Al-šifāʾ) with a discussion of what constitutes the subject matter of that science. Several candidates are introduced and subsequently dismissed, before “the existent qua existent” is identified as its subject matter. Among the candidates dismissed, he mentions “the ultimate causes for all existents, the four of them” (which are, however, things investigated [maṭālib] in this science). Here, Ibn Sīnā comes to problematise the notion of causality itself. He is adamant that “the existence of causes for things which are effects” is not self-evident, but needs to be proven by the metaphysician by means of a “demonstrative clarification” (bayān burhānī). He explains why sensation (ḥiss) and experience (taǧriba) cannot prove causality, before turning to its metaphysical proof. In this article, I investigate what Ibn Sīnā thought this “demonstrative clarification” of causality is. I present an analysis of his train of thought and a commentary on the various points he makes, leading up to his proof of causality. These points touch on problems of psychology, scientific method, and scientific proof, and can be unpacked by taking into account explanations he offers elsewhere.

Excavated from the Western Han tomb M336 at Zhangjiashan 張家山, Hubei 湖北, and published in 2022, the *Ci Mamei 祠馬禖 bamboo manuscript has yet to receive much attention. This article serves as a preliminary study of the manuscript, providing an annotated translation of its contents, a description of its codicological features, an examination of the ritual it documents, and a survey of its linguistic characteristics. The *Ci Mamei manuscript is studied in close comparison with the Ma 馬 text from the Qin 秦 tomb M11 at Shuihudi 睡虎地, as well as bamboo strip fragments from the Han 漢 (202 bce–220 ce) Jianshui Jinguan 肩水金關 frontier that document a similar ritual. I argue that *Ci Mamei, like the Shuihudi Ma text, is a ritual manual recording instructions on the performance of a sacrificial ritual. I show that the main purpose of the *Ci Mamei and Ma rituals is to pray for the overall well-being of horses, not specifically for having more newborn foals. I then illustrate that rhyme changes in the *Ci Mamei text denote different phases of the sacrifice. Lastly, I discuss the generic and formulaic properties of the language in *Ci Mamei, noting the possibility that the manuscript was interred because its language was believed to possess apotropaic qualities.