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It is striking that while ancient writers described the Cyclades largely in negative terms relating to their image of remoteness, the islands’ sanctuaries and churches were commonly ascribed as ‘worth seeing’. This suggests that religious places were successfully maintaining their own reputations irrespective of the impression of the islands’ declines as we have seen already in Strabo’s description of a lack of significant urban space on Tenos but having a well-visited sanctuary (Strabo (Geography, 10.5.11)). Study of the religious places of the Cyclades enables a range of insights into behaviours on a community level as well as within the wider Mediterranean world. Religion is persistent and permeates private and public life. It is cross-cultural while being a fundamental element of group identity. As such, it is an ideal aspect of society by which to understand the impact of socio-economic and political variations as well as resilience in the islands as a result of becoming part of the Roman Empire and later Christianization. The spread and establishment of cult, as well as the evidence of visitors through their offerings and dedications, is indicative of the vitality of the sanctuaries and the range of network connections the islands had over the diachronic period under discussion.
Before the last ice age, the islands of Andros, Tenos, Mykonos, Naxos, Paros, Syros, Ios, Sikinos and Folegandros formed one large land mass; Keos, Kythnos, Seriphos, Siphnos and Melos were all separate islands (Map 1.1). The three largest mountains are on Naxos, Andros and Amorgos. In the case of Naxos and Andros, the mountains slope gently down to the plains, in parts at least. Amorgos, on the other hand, has high, steep coasts on the east side with small coastal plains on the west and some plateaus in the mountains. The underlying bedrock of the islands is primarily metamorphic rocks including mica shists and marbles (Gaki-Papanastassiou et al., 2010, 299). Thera, Therasia, Melos, Kimolos and Anaphe (Figure A.2) have volcanic soils while the remaining islands primarily have limestone soils, which do not provide much cover over the jagged bedrock. Although soil on the majority of islands is not luxurious, it was good enough to sustain barley, pulses and olives (Berg, 2007, 33). Some of the islands, like Naxos and Keos, had good ground water but others like Melos did not (Berg, 2007, 34). For all the islands, fishing was a staple resource along with the meat of wild and domesticated animals. The Cyclades have different natural resources, available at different periods, including silver (Siphnos and Seriphos), marble (Paros, Naxos, Tenos), alum and minerals (Melos and Kimolos) as well as good agricultural potential on some, such as Naxos, Andros and Thera.
Flax plays an important role in art, especially for painters. Flax seeds are ground into linseed oil, which is used as binder for oil paints, and fibers are used to make linen canvas as a support for paintings. Because of the rapid growth of flax, linen canvas fiber and linseed oil are considered good candidates for the radiocarbon (14C) dating of paintings. However, the time necessary to transform flax into a linen canvas must be estimated in order to determine the completion date of paintings. Based on the paintings of the French painter Pierre Soulages (1919–2022), who titled his works with the day on which he considered them finished, the time elapsed between completion of the painting and harvesting of the flax was determined for 25 canvases and 13 oil binders. For the canvases, three periods can be distinguished between 1956 and 1981 with durations of 5±1 years in the 1950s, 3±2 years in the 1960s and 11±3 years for the paintings from the 1970s–1980s. For the oil, the time elapsed between the date indicated by the artist and the 14C calibrated date has a mean value of 3±2 years in the 1950s and 1960s and more than 15 years in the 1970s. These long time lags could be due to the massive change in flax processing, which was relocated, resulting in longer times between flax harvesting and canvas marketing. The determination of these time lags enables us to better interpret the 14C dating results for the paintings.
The Cyclades were busy places with significant resident communities evidenced through the settlement and mortuary remains. Analysis of epigraphic data can provide insights into individuals and families; however, this material pertains primarily to elites rather than representing a wide swathe of the population. Visitors (long- and short-term) to the islands are visible through evidence both direct (epigraphic material) and indirect (imported material). A great deal of work has been undertaken on the epigraphy of the Cyclades, in part reflecting what has been accessible for analysis. Research by Nigdelis (1990), Kiourtzian (2000), Mendoni and Zoumbaki (2008), Raptopoulos (2014) and Le Quéré (2015a) has highlighted an energetic and varied population throughout the islands.
The Cyclades positively benefitted from the economic and religious successes of Delos (Figures A.7–A.8), enabling wider business opportunities across the islands due to phase transition, as evidenced by the names of Italian bankers and traders on islands such as Tenos (S27) and Melos (S16) (Mendoni and Zoumbaki, 2008, 36; 41–2). Additionally, individual islands exploited their own resources for marketing: for example, Parian and Naxian marble and Siphnian and Seriphian ores. The civil wars, attacks on and eventual collapse of Delos in the mid first century bce resulted in a significant depletion of visitors to the archipelago, with a resonating impact on the islands of the Cyclades. The result was a direct economic crash and an indirect one due to the break in religious traffic, which had brought with it its own income stream. These problems were further exacerbated by pirates, who took their opportunities to profit from a troubled region. As noted in Chapter 1, piracy was enough to create stress on the economy, as is evidenced by the island of Tenos, which was in debt to the banker L. Aufidius Bassus (IG XII 5, 860) (de Souza, 2002, 163) (TEN 6).
The Cycladic islands, which lie scattered in the centre of the Aegean (Map 1.1), have had periods of outstanding achievements, as in the Bronze Age and Hellenistic periods, which have put into sharp relief the supposed dispiriting lows in the Roman and Late Antique periods. Investigating the veracity of these assumed low periods is made challenging by a dearth of historical or literary evidence pertaining to the islands during these periods. When they are mentioned, it is largely in terms of their insularity – as havens for pirates, places of exile or targets for invasions. Islands are often the first to experience change and, while this can be both positive and negative, the positives tend to be overshadowed by the negatives. Furthermore, scholarship on the islands has commonly taken a top-down approach, in which they are viewed through a lens of passiveness and as pawns in wider machinations rather than as decision-making entities in themselves. However, as Baldacchino (2008) warned, it is important not to overcompensate in attempting to move away from the top-down approach to the islands and place too much emphasis on their roles and importance in the broader context of study.
The most significant impact on the Cyclades in the first century bce was the demise of Delos and, contrary to common view, the inclusion of the Cyclades in the Roman Empire provided opportunities for these resilient islands to recover and develop. The collapse of the Delian economic and religious networks reverberated around the Cyclades. Islands such as Tenos that had flourished through phase transition, with renowned sanctuaries and elites, bankers and traders, began to fall to the side lines. As new smaller networks grew out of the splintered Delian one, islands such as Melos and Thera, which had been out of the Delian sphere, began to come to the fore. Without exception, the islands show remarkable resilience in the face of significant external threats – from loss of income livelihood to attacks by pirates. It is through this diachronic perspective that the success of the Cyclades become obvious.
While nations, societies, and individuals have always been engaged with both the tangible and intangible aspects of cultural objects, such as archaeological artifacts, artworks, and historical documents, the twenty-first century is seeing a significant shift in the law, ethics, and public policy that have long characterized this field. This book offers a comprehensive analysis of recent developments concerning cultural property. It identifies the underlying forces that drive these changes, focusing on the new political balance between source countries and market countries, the strengthening of cross-border lawmaking and law enforcement, the growing impact of provenance research and due diligence as legal, professional, and ethical norms, and the transformative role of digital databases. The book sets out normative principles for designing a better synergy of the hard law and soft law mechanisms that govern cultural property policy and markets. It proposes a property theory of ownership and custody of cultural objects and outlines a model of 'new cultural internationalism' to promote cross-border collaboration on cultural heritage, including new restitution frameworks.
Northwestern Iberia was inhabited by communities whose only settlement model was the hillfort throughout the Iron Age. In archaeological terms, these people are included in the so-called ‘Castro Culture’. These communities experienced social and material changes at the end of the Iron Age. From the second century bc onwards, a more hierarchical and complex social system, together with a process of monumentalization and sophistication of the architecture of the settlements, was adopted. More specifically, in the region between the Douro and Miño rivers, a series of highly original subterranean constructions have been documented. Unique in the archaeological record of the European Iron Age, the function of sites has been much debated, with the most accepted use as steam bath. In this article, these buildings are analysed from a performative approach, to understand their meaning and function in the context of the landscape of the hillforts.
During the Middle Bronze Age (ca. 2000–1500 BC), the Carpathian Basin witnessed new cultural groups characterized by distinctively different pottery styles and burial rites but unified by the occupation of sites surrounded by ditches or combinations of ditches and ramparts (Bóna 1975; Kovács 1984; Sørensen and Rebay-Salisbury 2008). Due to their long occupation, many such sites are classified as multi-layered settlements (Gogâltan et al. 2014; Jaeger 2016). Despite extensive research, there remains a lack of detailed information on the absolute chronology, spatial development, and chronological relationships between settlement occupation and fortification construction (Jaeger 2016; Staniuk 2021). Most site chronologies are based on funerary ceramic typologies associated with broad temporal ranges and high uncertainties (Jaeger 2016; Staniuk 2021). Kakucs-Turján is only one of nearly 190 multilayered Middle Bronze Age (MBA) settlements in the Carpathian Basin with a tripartite division of space (Harding 2018; Jaeger 2016) (Figure 1). This, combined with its high-resolution archaeological record makes it ideal for investigating the diachronic relationship between MBA habitations and fortifications (Filatova 2020; Staniuk 2020).
This article describes a unique patolli board found in a large residential compound at the Classic period Maya site of Naachtun (Petén, Guatemala) and discusses its implications. While dozens of patolli engraved in stucco floors and benches are known, the example from Naachtun has divisions outlined with sherds inlaid in the fresh mortar. This way of creating the board may provide a fresh perspective on the way the game was played, as it indicates boards could be included in the architecture from the planning stage and also potentially have a long use life.