How might the affective work of politics be accessed through the fragments of material culture that we recover as archaeologists? This paper considers how political identities can be formed and shaped affectively through engagement with the qualities of craft objects and the connected world of experience that they index. Taking up a case study from nineteenth-century highland Madagascar, I explore how political affects are caught up with the making and using of everyday things and how the transposed qualities of objects and the metonymic connections they evoke offer a means to tie changes in material culture to shifts in political affects over time.

This article considers people’s relations with ruins in the Mesoamerican past from the perspective of two approaches within the ontological turn. The first examines ruins drawing on Indigenous ontologies, while the second involves the application of a new materialist perspective that incorporates Peircean semiotics. Both approaches view matter as animate and share a relational, nonbinary, and nonessentializing position. Research drawing on ethnographic and ethnohistoric accounts of Native American perspectives considers ruins as living entities often inhabited by divinities, ancestors, or pre-Sunrise beings, which could require propitiation and reverence or provoke denigration and erasure. A new materialist perspective allows archaeologists to better recognize what ruins did beyond holding meanings imposed on them by people. Ruins in ancient Mesoamerica had the vibrancy and power to gather people, offerings, shrines, and the dead in ways that constituted community and temporality, contested or legitimated authority, and invoked the cosmic creation.

This article revisits the editorial history of the Babylonian (Akkadian) version of the Bīsotūn (Behistun) Inscription (DB) to establish the extent of the surviving text in light of a re-examination of the inscription at Mount Bīsotūn (Behistun). Questions arising about the reliability of the standard edition presented in Von Voigtlander (1978) prompted a critical review of her new readings, which significantly expand the text by approximately two-thirds compared to what previous commentators recorded and what is visible on the rock face today. The article focuses on the results of this scrutiny, supported by information from Von Voigtlander’s correspondence with George G. Cameron and Matthew W. Stolper, highlighting the implications of their discussions.

In recent decades, numerous excavations have been conducted at prehistoric sites in northwestern Iran, and the results of these studies have contributed to the development of a chronological framework for the region. The early Chalcolithic period in this area is referred to as the Dalma or Hasanlu X period. Various theories have been proposed regarding the chronological span of this culture, yet challenges and debates about its dating remain. The Belachak 3 site is one of the settlements attributed to this period, excavated by the first author of this article. The excavation results indicate that the site was temporarily occupied. The pottery recovered from this site closely resembles the ceramics found at well-known Dalma sites such as Dalma Tepe and Nad Ali Beig. This article aims first to explore the relative and absolute chronology of the Belachak 3 site. Subsequently, it evaluates the dating of this culture based on the absolute chronology of this and other Chalcolithic sites in western and northwestern Iran. For dating Belachak 3, five animal bones were sent to the Poznań Radiocarbon Laboratory. The results indicate that the site was occupied around 5000–4700 BCE. Additionally, based on the pottery findings and absolute dating, it can be suggested that the Dalma culture likely emerged in the late 6th millennium BCE and became widespread across large areas of western and northwestern Iran from around 5000 BCE onward.

Carbon occurs as organic and inorganic matter in numerous complex forms and mixtures. Thermal separation of sample mixtures (e.g. sediment or soil), coupled with radiocarbon analysis, is a valuable approach for investigating the source, residence time, or age of different carbon components. At the NEIF Radiocarbon Laboratory we have built equipment for thermally separating samples for radiocarbon analysis using ramped oxidation. The original instrumentation has been successfully tested and validated for the purpose of partitioning samples based on their temperature of thermal decomposition, and for reliable radiocarbon measurement of different sample components. However, the original configuration of our instrument has limitations; a single analysis takes 2–3 hours, and an operator must be present to manually isolate samples from the required temperature ranges. To address this, we have upgraded our ramped oxidation equipment to include computer-controlled solenoid valves. These are activated according to a user-defined sampling scheme which enables autonomous collection of thermally partitioned samples. Here, we describe the latest improvements and present thermograms showing compatibility with the previous version of our equipment. This includes measurements of the radiocarbon background of the equipment, and results for known 14C-content radiocarbon standards. These demonstrate the reliability of the new configuration of our equipment for radiocarbon measurements.

This brief note corrects an aspect of our 2024 paper looking at the evidence for the route of the Dorchester aqueduct in which we attributed a previously hypothesised route for the aqueduct to Christopher Sparey-Green.

Semioidentity refers to the sign–identity relationship in its pragmatic and metapragmatic dimensions. A component of social semiotic analysis, the study of semioidentity offers a distinctive contribution to archaeology by making explicit the different kinds of signs and their functions in the interpretive process. It privileges indexical signs as a means of anchoring interpretation and thus provides opportunities for additional higher-order claims about ideology and belief systems. A semiotic approach contributes to knowledge growth by positing that the most reliable interpretations—that is, those most likely to be true in the long term—are those that incorporate a variety of semiotic resources since their functions will act to constrain one another. In this essay, I discuss semiotic resources and semiotic ideology from the perspective of Peircean semiotics. I then offer a case study focusing on the archaeology of the Pueblo Revolt and the emergence of a pan-Pueblo historical consciousness to illustrate some of the rich insights that it affords.

Identity is a permanent integral feature of archaeological research. Even when it seems marginal to the current archaeological agenda, identity is brought back into the discussion by the urgency to engage with—often homogenizing—identity-based policies in contemporary politics. Lately, the emphasis placed on difference, fluidity and multivocality within archaeology has sensibly advanced the debate. Nevertheless, immutable identities continue to arise in studies of antiquity, replicating essentialist assumptions on the human past built around binary structures and simplistic equations of culture-historical reminiscence between material culture/practices and identities. The contributors to this special issue show how informing archaeological discourse with a semiotic methodology enhances the visibility of social dynamism, cultural complexities, among ancient human groups. This is particularly true for the communities silenced by history. These papers push the ontological and epistemological boundaries of archaeology by envisaging the archaeological record as a set of interconnected signs, whose cognitive potential overcomes the material space they occupy so that they become meaningful to different individuals and communities in diverse ways. Their stance maintains that semiotics holds the largely unexplored potential to enhance our understanding of the complexity of the past, ultimately offering a compelling standpoint to engage with contemporary identity-centred political debates.

The Salapunku archaeological site is located within the Historic Sanctuary – National Archaeological Park of Machu Picchu (HS-NAPM) in the Cusco area of Peru. Although Salapunku is related to the Inca settlements of the HS-NAPM, during archaeological excavations, we distinguished different moments of cultural occupation from the earliest human presence to complex pre-Hispanic societies such as the Inca and finally to the colonial period. Previous research on the site’s chronology was based on typological analyses of pottery and other artifacts found during archaeological research. This radiocarbon analysis, the first of its kind in this area, establishes a chronology of the cultural history of this significant settlement, considered the gateway to the Cordillera of Vilcabamba.

The excavations at Wroxeter conducted by J.P. Bushe-Fox examined a zone of the Roman city very different to the public baths and macellum complex extensively investigated in the later twentieth century. Bushe-Fox’s work in Insula 8 is the best and largest sample of Wroxeter’s residential buildings investigated to date; the focus of this paper is the large number of complete ceramic vessels included in the pits and wells he excavated. Recognition of the act of burying complete vessels, and of that practice as a meaningful tradition in antiquity, has developed over the last 25 years. Revisiting the Bushe-Fox excavations has provided a large body of new evidence for the practising of domestic rituals at Wroxeter.

This article presents the methodological reflections of two anthropological studies in Oaxaca, the Guiengola Archaeological Project and the San Carlos Yautepec Ethnographic Landscape Project. Both projects emphasize not only the involvement of local people, descendant communities, or both in archaeological work as temporary workers or spectators of the research results but more importantly as active participants in development of the archaeological research design. This includes involvement in such processes as the proposal of and reflection on an anthropological study, the formulation of relevant questions, ontological considerations when interpreting the results, and participation in dissemination tasks after these studies are concluded. Involving people from local and descendant communities does not detract from the scientific nature of anthropological work but instead results in much richer data, as the mapping of the archaeological city of Guiengola and the analysis of pre-highway pedestrian mobility patterns in Oaxaca in the past demonstrate.

This article maps how cultural heritage has been securitized in international discourse by analyzing seven key United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and UN Security Council (UNSC) documents (2003–2017). Drawing on the Copenhagen School’s framework and its distinction between identification and mobilization, the study reveals a two-stage process. Initially, heritage destruction was framed as a human rights violation, later escalating into a global security threat linked to terrorism and conflict financing. Through a sectoral and scalar typology of referent objects, the analysis highlights divergent framings by UNESCO (societal, normative) and the UNSC (military, strategic). Despite strong discursive alignment—culminating in UNSC Resolution 2347—the mobilization of extraordinary measures remained limited. The article concludes that heritage securitization is discursively robust but operationally incomplete, shaped by institutional capacities, leadership shifts, and evolving geopolitical contexts. These findings contribute to the broader literature on security politics, norm diffusion, and the symbolic power of heritage in global governance.