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We have all read the headlines heralding, often hyperbolically, the latest advances in text- and image-based Artificial Intelligence (AI). What is perhaps most unique about these developments is that they now make relatively good AI accessible to the average Internet user. These new services respond to human prompts, written in natural language, with generated output that appears to satisfy the prompt. Consequently, they are categorized under the term “generative AI,” whether they are generating text, images, or other media. They work by modeling human language statistically, to “learn” patterns from extremely large datasets of human-created content, with those that specifically focus on text therefore called Large Language Models (LLMs). As we have all tried products such as ChatGPT or Midjourney over the past year, we have undoubtedly begun to wonder how and when they might impact our archaeological work. Here, I review the state of this type of AI and the current challenges with using it meaningfully, and I consider its potential for archaeologists.
As the venues for professional training and education, universities have always shaped the future of the archaeological discipline—for better but also, in important ways, for worse. Historically, university structures promoted practitioner homogeneity and social inequity and, at the largest research-intensive universities, even managed to turn “service” into a dirty word. However, using the same structures that perpetuated damaging practices in the past, universities can just as readily transform archaeology into the inclusive, community-engaged discipline it should always have been—while serving communities in ways that matter to them. This article explains and illustrates how and why we have tried to do this through the founding and operation of the Oklahoma Public Archaeology Network (OKPAN) at the University of Oklahoma. OKPAN seeks to improve relationships among diverse Oklahoma communities by framing archaeology as a tool that that can serve communities’ interests while creating pathways within universities for members of historically excluded groups to join and help further transform the discipline.
This article provides an introduction to the theme issue “Archaeology of Service.” We explore how performing service in archaeology articulates with the concepts and practices of community-based archaeology, collaborative archaeology, and the Archaeologies of the Heart projects and their larger purposes of approaching work through a lens of social and environmental justice. We introduce seven articles that describe working in communities around the world, including the Bininj of the Gundjeihmi Aboriginal Corporation in the Northwest Territory of Australia; the Bunun of the Lakulaku River Basin in Taiwan; the Passamaquoddy Nation in Maine (USA); people from 21 First Nations in the province of Ontario, Canada; the diverse communities of Oklahoma (USA); the African American community in Bolivar, Texas (USA); and the people of San Cristóbal Island in the Galápagos Islands, Ecuador. The articles are tied together by the common theme of collaborative work that is built through relationships of trust and is conducted in ways that strive to change the institutional and educational structures in which archaeology is practiced.
This article summarises the research, protection, enhancement and awareness-raising activities carried out on coastal and submerged archaeological sites and wrecks discovered on the northern and Cap Bon coasts in Tunisia. The objective of these activities is to better understand and protect the underwater cultural heritage, while ensuring its preservation for future generations. The article also highlights the policy put in place by the supervisory institution to ensure an integrated and sustainable management of this heritage, despite the challenges it faces, in accordance with the principles of the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, ratified by Tunisia in 2009. Furthermore, the article stresses the importance of coordinating the conservation of this heritage with local development, while promoting responsible tourism practices, as part of Tunisia's active search to enhance its tourism and cultural potential – as a source of sustainable development in the coastal and maritime areas concerned.
The influence of pareidolia has often been anecdotally observed in examples of Upper Palaeolithic cave art, where topographic features of cave walls were incorporated into images. As part of a wider investigation into the visual psychology of the earliest known art, we explored three hypotheses relating to pareidolia in cases of Late Upper Palaeolithic art in Las Monedas and La Pasiega Caves (Cantabria, Spain). Deploying current research methods from visual psychology, our results support the notion that topography of cave walls played a strong role in the placement of figurative images—indicative of pareidolia influencing art making—although played a lesser role in determining whether the resulting images were relatively simple or complex. Our results also suggested that lighting conditions played little or no role in determining the form or placement of images, contrary to what has been previously assumed. We hypothesize that three ways of artist–cave interaction (‘conversations’) were at work in our sample caves and suggest a developmental scheme for these. We propose that these ‘conversations’ with caves and their surfaces may have broader implications for how we conceive of the emergence and development of art in the Palaeolithic.
Este trabajo busca conocer las estrategias tecnológicas, los rangos de acción y la conectividad en las estrategias humanas de ambientes marginales. Se discute, para el caso del sur de Mendoza, el modelo clásico de trashumancia cazadora recolectora entre tierras bajas y altas. El estudio se centra específicamente en El Payén y en el uso de la obsidiana andina Laguna del Maule. En El Payén, esta obsidiana ocupa el primer lugar entre las variedades conocidas y su uso se vinculó a circuitos de movilidad estacional que involucraban tierras bajas y altas. La obsidiana Laguna del Maule posee dos subtipos geoquímicos, el Subtipo 1 registrado en cordillera, y el Subtipo 2 localizado en depósitos fluviales distales. En este trabajo modelamos las estrategias de interacción de tierras altas con tierras bajas, enfocándonos en modelos propuestos para La Payunia, que ponen énfasis en la tecnología lítica y se articulan con análisis geoquímicos y geoarqueológicos. Los resultados sostienen que las poblaciones de El Payén obtenían este recurso mediante distintas estrategias tecnológicas: un aprovisionamiento serial del Subtipo 2, con circuitos de movilidad centrados en tierras bajas; diferente al Subtipo 1 de aprovisionamiento cíclico, que habría involucrado la interacción entre tierras altas y tierras bajas.
Dissolved inorganic carbon (DIC) in ocean water is a major sink of fossil fuel derived CO2. Carbon isotopes in DIC serve as tracers for oceanic water masses, biogeochemical processes, and air-sea gas exchange. We present a timeseries of surface DIC δ13C and Δ14C values from 2011 to 2022 from Newport Beach, California. This is a continuation of previous timeseries (Hinger et al. 2010; Santos et al. 2011) that together provide an 18-year record. These data show that DIC Δ14C values have declined by 42‰ and that DIC δ13C values have declined by 0.4‰ since 2004. By 2020, DIC Δ14C values were within analytical error of nearby clean atmospheric CO2 Δ14C values. These long-term trends are likely the result of significant fossil fuel derived CO2 in surface DIC from air-sea gas exchange. Seasonally, Δ14C values varied by 3.4‰ between 2011 and 2022, where seasonal δ13C values varied by 0.7‰. The seasonal variation in Δ14C values is likely driven by variations in upwelling, surface eddies, and mixed layer depth. The variation in δ13C values appears to be driven by isotopic fractionation from marine primary producers. The DIC δ13C and Δ14C values record the influence of the drought that began in 2012, and a major upwelling event in 2016.
This chapter attempts to revisit some issues related to the recent debate on so-called ‘difficult heritage’ (Macdonald) from a semiotic perspective. More specifically, the symbolic weight of the monumental (especially architectural) material legacy of past totalitarian regimes is examined in terms of a temporal transformation of its ‘ideological voice’. According to this theoretical proposal, the material changes induced by restoration and rehabilitation works can be analysed as operations of ‘remodulation’ of the voice of monumental architectures, which can be framed by a semiotic theory of enunciation. Through the analysis of a series of case studies of Italian Fascist monumental buildings and their subsequent material transformation over time, a typology of different possible forms of remodulation is proposed.
Keywords: Difficult Heritage; Theory of Enunciation; Architecture and Ideology; Voice of Architecture; Semiotics of Architecture
Difficult Heritage and its Conflicting ‘Voices’: an Enunciational Approach to Contested Monumental Architecture
The aim of this paper is to test how analytic tools of narrative semiotics may help in framing and understanding some of the issues related to the preservation of controversial heritage. A semiotic approach will be used to account for the meaning effects determined by different solutions of transformation of architectural and monumental legacies originating from a problematic past, and whose collective perception (and meaning) has changed because they are associated with values which a society does not identify with anymore, such as in democratic countries that have experienced a dictatorship in the past.
My case studies are examples of monumental architecture built in Italy during the Fascist period and restored or refurbished in the last few decades. More specifically, I shall try to describe some cases of ‘difficult heritage management’ in Italy, looking at some solutions of transformation or restoration of Fascist architecture, through the lens of the semiotic notion of ‘enunciation’ (as developed especially in Benveniste's and, later, Greimas's theories and by their followers).
The choice of this analytical angle lies in the central hypothesis of my paper: any monumental architecture has its own ‘voice’, through which it ‘speaks’ in public environments.
The absence of written chronicles in Scandinavia during the period in which Islamic silver dirhams were brought from afar and hoarded in pits, necessitates the interpretation of non-verbal data (caches, emission dates of coins, cache distribution in space) and the restitution of actions (maritime and river travel, economic exchange) that produced such results. The interpretation process also needs the consideration of other caches containing precious objects and written sources from the East and the West. The data give us back the of a Scandinavian society in transformation. This chapter presents this study in three phases: physical space (from the Baltic to Baghdad and Tashkent), economic space (predation and/or exchange) and social space (differentiation of society according to collective actors defined by action).
Keywords: Scandinavia; Silver; Dirhams; Dar al-Islam; Frankish Kingdoms; Expeditionary Society.
Archaeological Facts Worthy of Attention
During my study of Umayyad epigraphic coins (Hammad 2018), I was stunned by the discovery that Scandinavian museums kept more silver dirhams, minted in Dar al-Islam, in their vaults than all the countries that minted them in historical times. There are almost five hundred thousand such coins. They were dug out of agricultural lands in the nineteenth century, when technical progress produced ploughshares that could reach new depths. More recent discoveries, made possible by metal detectors, often reveal hoards shattered by the accidental passage of ploughs. The hoard of Stora Velinge, dug up in 1936 on the island of Gotland (Sweden), contained 2,674 dirhams and a silver arm ring (Figure 10.1), with a total weight of eight kilograms; the Spillings hoard (found in 1999) contained 67 kilograms of silver made up of 14,200 dirhams and various ingots and jewellery. 350 dirham hoards have been recorded on Gotland alone, an island located in the Baltic Sea 80 kilometres off the Swedish coast. The coins were first credited to have been brought there by the famed Viking plunderers. But the continued discovery of dirham hoards scattered around the Baltic Sea, along the rivers flowing north into Baltic, or along rivers flowing south into the Black and Caspian Seas, needed another interpretation, that is, the existence, between the eighth and eleventh centuries, of regular commercial routes between the shores of the Baltic and Baghdad, Samarqand and Al-Shash (Tashkent).
Every monument is designed with a specific meaning that seeks to define a system of values (institutional purposes, political reason, cultural self-celebration). In this chapter I will investigate how empirical users may choose either to conform to that ideological proposal or to reinvent it through multifaceted practices. Theoretically based on the ideas of the Model Reader and of interpretation and use as proposed by Umberto Eco, this essay proposes to consider the ways in which the ideal subject and the empirical subject can interpret and use the space differently. In particular through the analysis of two case studies related to the memory of Italy's colonial past, I demonstrate how bottom-up protests and practices trigger a resemantisation and stratification of the space of monuments.
Keywords: Model Reader; Interpretation; Umberto Eco; Semiotics; Monument; Practices.
Introduction (or Frozen Memories)
These pages are devoted to the study of protest practices in relation to two monuments that represent figures tied to the Italian colonialist past, thereby affirming that they are worthy of being remembered.
Drawing from Umberto Eco's semiotic theory of textual analysis, the general aim of this chapter is to investigate forms of resemantisation of these monuments: actions of meaning and memory reversal by subjects that seek to undermine the celebrative representations otherwise ‘cast in stone’, which conceal Fascist Italy's troubling past in Africa.
I focus on these kinds of ‘unpredictable’ practices for two main reasons:
– they create the possibility to investigate different types of subjectivity that can be ‘activated’ by the monumental space. This includes, on the one hand, the expected audience whose specific beliefs are confirmed in the monument, and on the other, the undesirable audience, which positions itself as antagonistic to the narrative told in the urban space;
– they help to understand the cultural mechanism of magnification of events which remain ‘unsaid’ by the monument, either because of the economy of the monument's enunciation, or due to choices that lead to the ideological filtering of memory. As such, they also provide a greater awareness of the narrative make-up of specific memories.
As they can activate or extinguish particular meanings related to certain past events, these practices fuel the reversal of the memories transmitted at an institutional level, instead turning the spotlight on frozen memories.
How might cinema turn a space into a mediated landscape of memory? How can it interrogate what is remembered in a lieu de memoire? Could the role of cinema be that of a monument or, even, a counter-monument? I address these questions through the semiotic analysis of the ways in which ESMA – Space for Memory and for the Promotion and Defence of Human Rights in Buenos Aires has been framed by two documentaries by Jonathan Perel: El Predio (2010) and Tabula Rasa (2013). Both films deal with the large, stratified trauma site of the former ESMA compound – the Escuela Superior de Mecánica de la Armada the most notorious clandestine centre of detention, torture and extermination that was operational in Argentina during the military regime.
Keywords: Documentary Cinema; ESMA – Space for Memory and for the Promotion and Defence of Human Rights; Jonathan Perel; Counter- Monument; Desaparecidos.
Landscape is a complex bearer of the possibilities of a plastic interpretation of emotion.
Sergei Eisenstein
How might cinema turn a space into a mediated landscape of memory? How can it interrogate what is remembered there, and intervene in the porous borders that, simultaneously, separate and connect an event, its experience and its representation – that is, the multiple temporalities defining the very act of media witnessing? Could the role of cinema be that of a monument or even a counter-monument?
These questions guide my analysis of the ways in which ESMA-Space for Memory and for the Promotion and Defence of Human Rights, a memory site located in Buenos Aires, has been framed by two documentary films directed by Jonathan Perel: El Predio (“predio” means the “site”, the “place”, 2010) and Tabula Rasa (2013). Both films deal with the large, stratified and troubled trauma site of the former ESMA compound – the Escuela Superior de Mecánica de la Armada (Naval Academy of Mechanics) – arguably the most notorious of the clandestine centres of detention, torture and extermination that operated in the capital during the military regime's ‘Dirty War’ (1976–1983) (on this, see Sozzi supra). In this place, over 5,000 prisoners were detained, 90 per cent of whom were murdered. The ESMA compound was also the departure point of the aeroplanes from which drugged prisoners were thrown – still alive – into the River Plate.