This paper uses the gradual expansion of the European railway network to investigate how this key technological driver of modernization affected ethnic separatism between 1816 and 1945. Combining new historical data on ethnic settlement areas, conflict, and railway construction, we test how railroads affected separatist conflict and successful secession as well as independence claims among peripheral ethnic groups. Difference-in-differences, event study, and instrumental variable models show that, on average, railway-based modernization increased separatist mobilization and secession. These effects concentrate in countries with small core groups, weak state capacity, and low levels of economic development as well as in large ethnic minority regions. Exploring causal mechanisms, we show how railway networks can facilitate mobilization by increasing the internal connectivity of ethnic regions and hamper it by boosting state reach. Overall, our findings call for a more nuanced understanding of the effects of European modernization on nation building.

What is the role of law in imperial state-building projects? We study this question of historical significance with an empirical focus on Russian arbitrazh (commercial) courts in Crimea. We document the increase in the number of disputes that involve the Russian state and strong pro-government favoritism in court decisions. We also find that arbitrazh courts are used as a check on local political elites. At the same time, our analysis establishes favoritism toward local businesses in disputes with Russian businesses. Most importantly, we highlight that this stick-and-carrot legal politics is not only imposed from above: Local judges who defected to Russia act more favorably than outsider judges appointed from Russia toward the Russian state and businesses, plausibly because local judges want to signal their loyalty. The implication is that imperial legal domination emerges not only through directives from the metropole but also through the everyday contributions of local imperial intermediaries.

Studies on household income and consumption in Southern Europe have primarily focused on rural areas and factory workers. In this study, we aim to incorporate evidence of household income, considering the earnings of all household members and not just the male wage, using the population list of Zaragoza (Spain) from 1924. This population list is the first (and the last) to systematically record the wages of all citizens regardless of their family role or age. Our results confirm that, in 1924, most working-class households still required the labour of women and/or children to meet basic consumption needs (on average, they contributed nearly sixty per cent of the household income). Based on different food consumption baskets, the results also show that, with household income, the majority of working-class families could afford a basic consumption basket but not a nutritionally more complete basket.

In the post-COVID-19 pandemic era, a ‘digital-first’ agenda is being adopted in health/social care services, while digital exclusion has not been fully addressed. People with severe mental illness face profound inequalities at many levels (i.e. social, financial and health). Digital exclusion may further exacerbate some of these inequalities.

“Relativistic thermodynamics” should be understood not as a generalization of a non-relativistic theory but as an application of a general thermodynamic framework, neutral as to spacetime setting and allowing arbitrary conserved quantities, to the specific case of relativity. That framework gives an unambiguous result as to the thermodynamics of relativistically moving systems (an answer coinciding with Einstein’s, and Planck’s, original results). Thermodynamic temperature is unambiguously defined as rate of change of energy with entropy at constant momentum; that said, its operational significance is limited and other measures of energy/entropy covariance, which incorporate momentum transfer, are often more useful.

With the advancement in the embryo culture media, which supports nutrient requirements of embryos up to 5 to 6 days, there’s a chance to select more viable embryos, which are more likely to result in pregnancy, compared to earlier stages. Also, there is a controversy regarding the frozen embryo transfer compared to the fresh type. To compare the chemical pregnancy rates between fresh embryo transfer (ET), and frozen embryo transfer (FET), on day 3 (cleavage), and day 4 (morula) of development. In this retrospective study, data of 242 fresh and 758 frozen embryo transfer cycles were obtained in one infertility center in Isfahan, Iran. The study’s groups were assigned based on the day of fresh or frozen embryo transfer (day 3, or day 4 embryos) and the embryo grading. Chemical pregnancy was the main outcome measurement (implantation rates). The chemical pregnancy rate was higher in the good quality frozen embryo day 3 and transfer on day 4 group (40.1%). This rate was near the results of transferring the good quality frozen embryo on day 4 (39.2 %). There was no significant difference in the chemical pregnancy rate related to the number of transferred embryos (p = 0.55). The higher PRs, when the embryos were transferred on day 4, provided further support for the morula stage embryo transfer, possibly because of better synchrony with the endometrium. It is concluded that morula/compact embryos are good candidates for embryo transfer, which simultaneously reduces the number of transferred embryos.

Depuis le lancement en 2016 du mégaprojet d'exploitation minière à ciel ouvert de l’« Arc minier de l'Orénoque » au Venezuela, plusieurs groupes armés appelés sindicatos ont pris possession de certains territoires d'extraction. En faisant nôtre la définition wéberienne de l’État, nous formons l'hypothèse selon laquelle le groupement politique du sindicato présent sur l'un de ces territoires, celui de Las Claritas, peut être qualifié d’État embryonnaire. Poursuivant alors les interrogations de Bourdieu sur l’émergence de l’État, nous cherchons à documenter le processus d’étatisation et à témoigner de la façon dont les « bandits » deviennent des « princes ». Basée sur une démarche ethnographique et documentaire, notre recherche nous conduit à mettre en avant quatre mécanismes participant au processus d’étatisation : l'institutionnalisation, la monopolisation, la légitimation et la démarcation.

A growing number of states are adopting a feminist foreign policy (FFP). While this change has excited much scholarly attention, the process by which countries decide to adopt FFP remains unclear: How can we explain their journey toward the formal adoption of FFP? What factors create an environment in which these states were willing (and able) to declare their foreign policy feminist? We bring together literature on FFP and foreign policy change to identify the factors that lead to the uptake of FFP. The roles of a favorable domestic context, policy entrepreneurs, a new governing coalition, and the international context for feminism are highlighted as having clear impact on the decision to adopt FFP. The paper focuses on two different cases: Sweden, which pioneered the idea of FFP until a rollback on its position following domestic elections in 2022, and Chile, which only adopted FFP in 2022.

Conditioning on variables affected by treatment can induce post-treatment bias when estimating causal effects. Although this suggests that researchers should measure potential moderators before administering the treatment in an experiment, doing so may also bias causal effect estimation if the covariate measurement primes respondents to react differently to the treatment. This paper formally analyzes this trade-off between post-treatment and priming biases in three experimental designs that vary when moderators are measured: pre-treatment, post-treatment, or a randomized choice between the two. We derive nonparametric bounds for interactions between the treatment and the moderator under each design and show how to use substantive assumptions to narrow these bounds. These bounds allow researchers to assess the sensitivity of their empirical findings to priming and post-treatment bias. We then apply the proposed methodology to a survey experiment on electoral messaging.

We assessed the hospital environment as a reservoir of vancomycin-resistant E. faecium (VRE) and compared environmental VRE isolates to bloodstream infection E. faecium isolates. We identified distinct environmental and patient reservoirs, with the environment dominated by vanB VRE. Environment-clinical reservoir spillover accounted for 292/895 (33%) of putative transmission links.

During his life, Friedrich Hayek drastically changed his evaluation of Aristotle’s role in the history of political and economic thought. Initially considering Aristotle as one of the forerunners of the liberal tradition, he then came to consider Aristotle’s philosophy as the source of collectivist thought. By examining both published and unpublished materials, this article shows that Hayek’s attack on Aristotle in The Fatal Conceit is authentic and puts Hayek’s affirmations on Aristotle in the context of his intellectual development. Hayek’s rejection of Aristotle can be related to his increasing emphasis on the abstract nature of the rules governing complex phenomena. However, this does not explain why Hayek felt compelled to take such a stance on an ancient philosopher who was highly esteemed in the school he belonged to. Hayek’s abandonment of the established view on the Aristotelian roots of the Austrian school can be better understood by considering the intellectual environment of his time. His eventual adoption of Karl Popper’s point of view on Aristotle meant taking a stance against Karl Polanyi’s democratic socialism and distancing himself from Wilhelm Röpke’s Catholic conservatism.

A tantalizing open problem, posed independently by Stiebitz in 1995 and by Alon in 1996 and again in 2006, asks whether for every pair of integers $s,t \ge 1$ there exists a finite number $F(s,t)$ such that the vertex set of every digraph of minimum out-degree at least $F(s,t)$ can be partitioned into non-empty parts $A$ and $B$ such that the subdigraphs induced on $A$ and $B$ have minimum out-degree at least $s$ and $t$, respectively.

In this short note, we prove that if $F(2,2)$ exists, then all the numbers $F(s,t)$ with $s,t\ge 1$ exist and satisfy $F(s,t)=\Theta (s+t)$. In consequence, the problem of Alon and Stiebitz reduces to the case $s=t=2$. Moreover, the numbers $F(s,t)$ with $s,t \ge 2$ either all exist and grow linearly, or all of them do not exist.

The article pioneers the examination of “hustle kingdoms”: illegal cybercrime training academies in West Africa. It explores these entities as innovative and adaptive institutions that emerge in response to systemic socio-economic strain. This article provides a unique analysis of hustle kingdoms by situating their emergence within the region’s socio-economic, cultural and technological trajectories. It does so by assessing the contemporary manifestation of these cybercrime academies with history in mind to understand the past that created them. It highlights how these cybercrime training academies have evolved from earlier forms, thereby showcasing a unique form of deviant innovation. It contributes to existing literature by addressing the critical gap in the scholarly discourse surrounding these entities and their historical evolution. Drawing on Merton’s strain theory, this historical scholarly endeavour examines how systemic barriers to education and employment have fostered deviant innovation, transforming hustle kingdoms from early fraud enterprises into sophisticated, global cybercrime networks. The analysis highlights the structural disparities that sustain their operations by juxtaposing these academies with conventional educational frameworks. The findings offer novel insights into the intersection of inequality, cultural narratives and technological adaptation, positioning hustle kingdoms as both products and catalysts of systemic strain.