There are over 200 known zoonotic diseases. Over half of all recognized human pathogens are currently or originally zoonotic, as are 60%-76% of recent emerging pathogens, yet a few are coded in International Classification of Diseases-11 (ICD-11). The practice of animal health estimates is fragmented. The numbers and categorization of animals are not consistent across different organizations or over time. The coding attributes of ICD-11 on morbidity, mortality, and zoonoses don’t exist in WAHIS. An innovation in methodology to adopt ICD-11 in World Animal Health Information System (WAHIS) and code for zoonoses is required. To meet the key principles of One Health High-Level Expert Panel (OHHLEP) and translate the One Health approach into actionable policies, there is a compelling need to estimate the magnitude of all human and animal diseases, particularly zoonoses, using the refined codes of ICD-11.

While an abundance of scholarly work investigates how economic shocks influence the political behavior of affected individuals, we know much less about their collective effects. Exploiting the sudden onset of a plant disease epidemic in Puglia, Italy—where the plant pathogen Xylella fastidiosa devastated centuries-old olive groves—we explore the collective effects of economic shocks. By combining quantitative difference-in-differences analysis of municipal data with a novel case selection strategy for qualitative fieldwork, we document the hardship caused by the outbreak, and estimate a 2.2-percentage-point increase in far-right vote share. We show that preexisting public service deprivation moderates the shock’s political consequences through a community narrative of state neglect. These findings highlight that preexisting community conditions shape the political consequences of economic shocks, and that plant disease epidemics—which are becoming more prevalent due to climate change—have important political effects.

The article examines the patterns of turnover of Latin American legislators. It contributes (1) by introducing a large original dataset of turnover rates in 204 elections between 1985 and 2023 based on manually coded lists of all Latin American legislators elected since 1985, (2) by describing the cross-national and temporal patterns of turnover in Latin America, and (3) by examining empirically the relationship between turnover rates and temporal institutional arrangements designed to regulate the time horizons of legislators. The data reveals that turnover rates in Latin America are extremely high on average (around 70%) compared to democracies in other regions, although with significant variation. Institutional determinants governing time horizons of politicians are associated with turnover, with term limits, the presence of staggered elections and term length being positively associated with elevated turnover rates.

This paper relates the metatheological approach known as ‘Perfect Being Theology’ (PBT) and criticisms of the doctrine of divine simplicity (DDS) in its Thomistic version. After briefly contrasting PBT with Thomas Aquinas’ alternative approach, which will be labeled ‘Analogical Natural Theology’ (ANT), it is shown that an option for the first approach dominates much of what has been written on simplicity. Then the structure of ANT is outlined in an attempt to explain the stronger commitment this project has toward DDS.

Hong Kong has recently ratified the United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (“CISG”). While Article 7(2) of the CISG acknowledges the potential incompleteness of the convention in addressing all issues it aims to govern and emphasizes the preference for seeking general principles within the CISG before resorting to domestic private international law, the extent of this preference remains unclear. This article highlights that while some scholars argue for private international law as a last resort, it is erroneous to suggest that the general principles embodied in the convention also include those exclusively stem from other international conventions. Such an approach would disregard the inherent international nature and proportionality envisioned by Article 7(1) of the CISG.

The Taliban’s forceful control of Kabul resulted in severe criticism by the world community and has consequently raised a pertinent question about its recognition in international law. Though a few countries publicly denied recognition to the Taliban government, many countries have (re)-started engaging with it by concluding bilateral treaties and (re)-opening embassies without recognition. Besides, countries have put several “conditions”, such as respect for human rights and a promise to form an “inclusive government”, before they will recognize the Taliban government. This note maps out these “conditions”, along with different proposals states have proposed concerning recognizing the Taliban government. It identifies the possible legal consequences of these “proposals” for the institution of recognition of government in international law. The note finally argues that though a recognition decision is largely political, it should nevertheless be regulated by international law to the extent that it would help avoid adverse international legal consequences.

In his last finished work, The Law of Peoples (1999b), John Rawls wrote repeatedly of “our hope for the future.” In recent decades hope has become a recurrent trope in the politics of Anglo-American liberal democracies. Yet its appearance in a major work by the most influential political theorist of the postwar era has attracted little notice. Rawls’s discovery of the need for hope in liberal society represents a major development in his thought and a little-noticed departure from his previous thinking about moral psychology, stability, and theodicy. Situating this episode in the evolution of Rawls’s thought and the context of intellectual history sheds light on the wider issue of the ambivalent relationship between hope and liberalism.

This article begins by critiquing Kathryn Tanner’s Christianity and the New Spirit of Capitalism on two fronts. It suggests that her presentation of ‘Financially Dominated Capitalism’ (FDC) is problematically one-dimensional, and it takes issue with her theological construal of time. The article then argues for an alternative temporal vision which both makes better sense of Christian experience and finds resonance with economic policy proposals that undercut FDC.

One difficulty in studying “astronomers” and “mathematicians” as distinct classes in ancient China is that the important ones were neither specialists nor professionals, but polymaths, with little to distinguish them from any other intellectual. Another difficulty, confounding any modern taxonomy, is the tight relationship between astronomy, mathematics, Classical exegesis, and ritual. This article uses the thousands of lost and extant works cataloged under discrete emic categories in the Hanshu, Suishu, and Jiu Tangshu bibliographic treatises to weigh the place of the sciences and their practitioners vis-à-vis other contemporary forms of knowledge and, using polymathy as a vector, to map the connectivity and clusters between fields. It presents numerous findings about relative anonymity, fame, productivity, and the fields in which “scientists” were most implicated, but its principal interest is in proposing a method to sidestep modern observer’s categories.