Drawing from the experiences of thirty-two refugee women who fled with their children from Ukraine to two German cities, Berlin and Frankfurt Oder, this article explores how being a refugee and a mother affects the anchoring, along with the un-anchoring and embedding of Ukrainian refugees in their new environment. It illustrates that solidarity practices and (inter)actions play a crucial role in mobility considerations, as the interlocutors engaging in solidarity work find meaning in building lives in their new environment. The identities of the interlocutors as refugees and mothers play an important role in shaping the solidarity they articulate as they work to support others in a similar situation in cultivating agency, which, at the same time, gives the interlocutors comfort in their own struggles. This article also makes a valuable contribution to the scholarly literature on transnational family ties through the case of Ukrainian refugee women in Germany, who often have family members remaining in/returning to Ukraine. The interlocutors positioning as mothers and refugees means that they engage in negotiating mobility considerations with these positions in hindsight — providing new avenues of enquiry into the agency of refugee-mothers, reflecting on life aspirations, and considering their specific positionalities and forced migration context.

In this article, we obtain a necessary and sufficient condition for the pseudo-nullity of the p-ramified Iwasawa module for p-adic Lie extensions of totally real fields. It is applied to answer the corresponding question for the minus component of the unramified Iwasawa module for CM-fields. The results show that the pseudo-nullity is very rare.

Building upon recent developments in production function identification and decomposition methods, this paper investigates the sources of output and productivity growth among China’s listed manufacturing companies from 2000 to 2022. While previous studies on China’s manufacturing have predominantly focused on the period preceding 2007, our study extends the analysis to a broader timeframe and divide it into four sub-periods to accommodate diverse economic conditions and varying growth rates. We provide new insights into the Chinese economy during a period marked by gradual economic transformation. Specifically, we first decompose industry output growth into factor deepening and firm productivity progress within each sub-period. To account for heterogeneity across firms in terms of production technology and sources of growth, we employ a nonparametric production function and decompose firm output growth at both the mean and different quantiles of the output distribution. We find that increased materials usage and productivity growth are primary growth drivers. However, the contribution of productivity experiences a significant decline, particularly in recent years and among median-sized and large firms. Furthermore, we examine China’s industry aggregate productivity growth and its origins among state-invested, foreign-invested, and domestic private firms. Our findings suggest that reforms among state firms are the largest contributor to industry productivity growth before the 2008 financial crisis, whereas productivity progress of domestic private firms emerges as the sole significant driver in recent years. Additionally, there is no evidence of improvements in output reallocation efficiency within China’s manufacturing sector throughout our sample period.

Egor Lazarev has given his readers more of an epic story than a grand theory, and everyone who reads State Building as Lawfare will be the richer for it. The setting for this riveting tale is the war-torn Russian province of Chechnya. We quickly learn from Lazarev’s mise-en-scene that Chechnya’s famously mountainous terrain is as choppy and uneven legally as it is topographically. Three separate legal systems coexist and commingle in this single subnational domain: 1) customary law, or adat; 2) Islamic law, or Sharia; and almost as an afterthought, 3) state law, “courtesy” of Russian central authorities in Moscow.

This interventional single-centre prospective open-label study aims to evaluate the effects of a vegan diet, compared with a vegetarian and omnivorous diet, on metabolic parameters, insulin sensitivity, and liver and kidney steatosis in healthy adults. The study included fifty-three omnivorous participants aged 18–40 years, BMI 18–30 kg/m2, without any chronic disease, chronic medication use, active smoking or significant alcohol consumption. All participants were omnivorous at baseline and selected to continue an omnivorous diet or transition to a vegetarian or vegan diet, with follow-up over 6 months. Anthropometric measurements, biochemical parameters and liver and kidney steatosis were assessed at baseline and after six months using MRI-proton density fat fraction. Primary outcomes included changes in liver and kidney steatosis, while secondary outcomes were alterations in anthropometric and biochemical markers. Among fifty-three participants, eighteen followed an omnivorous diet, twenty-one adopted a vegetarian diet and fourteen transitioned to a vegan diet. Dietary interventions did not result in statistically significant changes in BMI, fat mass, fat percentage or muscle mass over 6 months. However, statistically significant improvements in systolic and diastolic blood pressure, favouring the vegan diet, were observed. We aimed to control for potentially confounding variables to ensure the reliability of these findings. We have demonstrated a better decline in steatosis at the lower kidney pole, the total hilus and the Liver 6 index in vegans. We demonstrated that a plant-based diet is associated with improvements in several metabolic parameters and may reduce liver and kidney steatosis.

This article reviews the literature on nationalism and ethnic mobilization. I first discuss the different strands of research in the field, highlighting three key sources of division that characterize existing literature: geography, ethnic cleavage type, and strategy of mobilization. Arguing that the lack of dialogue between different niches of research can undermine the accumulation of general knowledge, I propose an integrated perspective on nationalism and ethnic mobilization that serves to assimilate findings from these separate niches. I conclude by discussing how such an integrated perspective can enhance our knowledge of the causes, dynamics, and consequences of ethnic mobilization.

Do constituents care how judges are chosen? We conduct two nationally representative survey experiments focusing on state trial courts. Our first study indicates that respondents prefer judges who are elected to those who are appointed, though this does not affect their perceptions of the judiciary’s legitimacy. Our second study explores three potential mechanisms: efficacy, experience with democracy, and perceived ideological proximity. We find evidence that real-world experience with judicial elections is associated with a preference for such elections, but we do not find evidence for other mechanisms. Our study offers important new evidence for assessing proposed reforms to judicial selection.

States have the sovereign right to pursue their social and economic development, often involving urbanization, industrialization, infrastructure development, and tourism promotion. Regrettably, these endeavors frequently lead to destruction or damage to the authenticity and integrity of their cultural heritage. In light of this, one might wonder whether and to what extent, under customary international law, states’ right to development must be harmonized with the need to preserve their own cultural heritage for the benefit of future generations. The present contribution examines various elements of international practice, including treaty practice, resolutions of international organizations, national legislation, and states’ conduct in actual cases to determine the existence of a customary prohibition or clear limits on damaging cultural heritage for social and economic development. It also reflects more broadly on the international regime for protecting cultural heritage during peacetime and the ambiguous relationship between the World Heritage Convention and customary law.

In the former districts of Eupen and Malmedy, present-day East-Belgians, in particular academic and socio-political elites, draw their collective identity, amongst others, from the historical injustices inflicted upon them ever since the adoption of the Treaty of Versailles. The transfer of sovereignty from Germany to Belgium was then the subject of a popular consultation organised by the transitional Belgian authorities in those territories. Favouring national over popular sovereignty, those authorities de facto undermined the freedom of choice and imposed their annexation to Belgium which the League of Nations, despite criticisms, consecutively endorsed. Much has been said about this petite farce belge yet not from a legal point of view. Thus, this article sheds a different light on the historical accounts of those events which are instrumentalised to construct the contemporary collective identity of the German-speaking Community of Belgium.

Even after seven decades since it came into force, examinations of the Indian Constitution remain partial and incomplete. It is not widely known that the original ratified copy of the Constitution also makes a visual argument through the opening pages of every part. These elaborately crafted artworks, which are entirely negated in Indian scholarship, are structured in the form of a teleological and linear narrative, encompassing a claim of an unbroken link to an immemorial civilisation. Based on archival research and a hermeneutic that combines imaginal analysis, literary theory, historical scholarship and constitutional jurisprudence, this article will demonstrate that these constitutive images are the aesthetic foundation that imaginally binds the constitutional subject and the collective citizenry, and this article will show how its negation is closely tied to a foundational ambivalence that endures in constitutional law.

This article analyzes Vladimir Putin’s 2021 essay “On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians” as an example of political rhetoric invoking the language/dialect dichotomy. Curiously, Putin argued both that Ukrainian is a “dialect” of a greater Russian language and that Ukrainian is a distinct “language” different from Russian. As a form of political rhetoric, the language/dialect dichotomy draws its power from normative isomorphism, the idea that languages, nations, and states ought to coincide. According to the logic of normative isomorphism, claiming that Russian and Ukrainian are separate “languages” gives the Russian Federation a claim to annex the Russian-speaking south-east of Ukraine, while claiming that Ukrainian is a “dialect” of Russian would justify the Russian Federation’s annexation of Ukraine in its entirety. By endorsing both positions, Putin’s speech provided pre-emptively justifications for different policies, giving him room to maneuver. All that said, neither the language/dialect dichotomy nor normative isomorphism offers a solid basis for political legitimacy.

The majority opinion of the Supreme Court establishes precedent, but separate opinion writing affords the justices the ability to expound upon it or express their disagreement with the ruling or its logic. We broaden the exploration of separate opinion writing to consider how decisions and case features at the moment of granting cert shape justices’ decisions to engage in nonconsensual behavior. We also sharpen the focus on external actors to consider the nature of amici curiae. Through an empirical study of Supreme Court cases between 1986 and 1993, we find that aspects of the agenda-setting stage affect justices’ decisions at the litigation stage. In addition, we find that the number of briefs and the diversity of organized interests impacted by the case is particularly relevant to justices. The decision to write a separate opinion is the product of internal and external factors over the full course of a case’s history.

In the last quarter of the 19th century, Austrian schools effectively developed a robust system of civic education that attempted to cultivate the patriotism of all students, regardless of their nationality. While the ultimate goal of Habsburg civic education was loyalty to the imperial state, officials realized that this loyalty would not be able to supplant regional or national identities. Instead, officials designed a curriculum that would enhance these other identities hoping they would contribute to imperial patriotism. Students learned they shared their home with different national groups and that they belonged to a larger family of nations. While this concept was earnestly supported by the school curriculum, the way in which this material was taught may have impacted its effectiveness. For example, when discussing national groups, educators often drew from prevailing ethnographic theories that relied on stereotypical assessments. Moreover, compromises made in the early 20th century complicated these efforts. As nationalists gained increased control over school administration, the emphasis on shared local identity weakened. These factors did not necessarily alter Austrian civic education, but they do point to the ways in which it would have needed to adapt to the Monarchy’s changing political circumstances.

Low vegetable consumption among school-age children and adolescents puts them at risk of micronutrient malnutrition and non-communicable diseases. There is a dearth of synthesised literature on vegetable intake and interventions to promote increased consumption among this age group in West Africa. This study pooled evidence on vegetable consumption and interventions to promote vegetable consumption among school-age children and adolescents (6–19 years) in West Africa. Quantitative and qualitative studies from 2002 to 2023 were electronically searched in PubMed, African Journals Online (AJOL) and Google Scholar databases. The Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses system was adhered to in reporting this review (PROSPERO ID: CRD42023444444). The Joanna Briggs Institute critical evaluation tool was used to appraise the quality of studies. Forty (40) studies met the search criteria out of n 5080 non-duplicated records. Meta-analysis was not possible due to high heterogeneity. Low vegetable consumption expressed in frequency or amounts was recorded among school-age children and adolescents in the reviewed studies. Intervention studies were mostly among adolescents; the most common type of intervention was the use of nutrition education. Insufficient evidence and high heterogeneity of studies reflect the need for more high-quality interventions using globally identified standards but applied contextually. School-age children appear to be an under-served population in West Africa with regard to nutrition interventions to promote vegetable consumption. There is a need for multi-component intervention studies that encourage vegetable consumption as a food group. Gardening, parental involvement, gamification and goal setting are promising components that could improve the availability, accessibility and consumption of vegetables.

In this article, we generalize results of Clozel and Ray (for $SL_2$ and $SL_n$, respectively) to give explicit ring-theoretic presentation in terms of a complete set of generators and relations of the Iwasawa algebra of the pro-p Iwahori subgroup of a simple, simply connected, split group $\mathbf {G}$ over ${{\mathbb Q}_p}$.