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The primary progressive model for curing the perceived ills of social media – the failure to block harmful content – is to encourage or require social media platforms to act as gatekeepers. On this view, the institutional media, such as newspapers, radio, and television, historically ensured that the flow of information to citizens and consumers was "clean," meaning cleansed of falsehoods and malicious content. This in turn permitted a basic consensus to exist on facts and basic values, something essential for functional democracies. The rise of social media, however, destroyed the ability of institutional media to act as gatekeepers, and so, it is argued, it is incumbent on platforms to step into that role. This chapter argues that this is misguided. Traditional gatekeepers shared two key characteristics: scarcity and objectivity. Neither, however, characterizes the online world. And in any event, social media lack either the economic incentives or the expertise to be effective gatekeepers of information. Finally, and most fundamentally, the entire model of elite gatekeepers of knowledge is inconsistent with basic First Amendment principles and should be abandoned.
The best strategy for getting away with lying is to lie small by only deviating from the truth as much as is necessary to achieve the intended deception. Why then do some demagogues lie big? One set of views has it that the only difference between small and big lies concerns the size of their contents. They claim that the purpose of big lies is the formation of false beliefs in their literal contents via counterfactual reasoning, conspiracy theories, or the illusory truth effect. The negative part of this paper questions these accounts. The positive part proposes a different explanation for why demagogues use big lies and argues that big lies may serve three distinct purposes for demagogues: they reinforce their supporters’ deeply held beliefs, test the loyalty of their close followers, or publicly demonstrate the demagogue’s power. For a big lie to serve these purposes, genuine belief in the lie is not required – in fact, few are likely to believe it. What matters is that the demagogue’s supporters publicly endorse the lie. We contend that they do so, either because they interpret them as motivational statements or use them to express or justify their shared emotions or convictions.
The area where social media has undoubtedly been most actively regulated is in their data and privacy practices. While no serious critic has proposed a flat ban on data collection and use (since that would destroy the algorithms that drive social media), a number of important jurisdictions including the European Union and California have imposed important restrictions on how websites (including social media) collect, process, and disclose data. Some privacy regulations are clearly justified, but insofar as data privacy laws become so strict as to threaten advertising-driven business models, the result will be that social media (and search and many other basic internet features) will stop being free, to the detriment of most users. In addition, privacy laws (and related rules such as the “right to be forgotten”) by definition restrict the flow of information, and so burden free expression. Sometimes that burden is justified, but especially when applied to information about public figures, suppressing unfavorable information undermines democracy. The chapter concludes by arguing that one area where stricter regulation is needed is protecting children’s data.
Chapter 10 demonstrates how corpus approaches support the study of various social actors. We include two case studies. The first study investigates how representations of people with obesity in the UK press contribute to stigmatisation. The analysis orients around the naming strategies to collectively and individually refer to people with obesity, as well as the adjectives used to describe them and the activities that they are reported to be involved in. Furthermore, we show that people with obesity are regularly held up as figures of ridicule and obesity is discussed in the context of social deviance, foregrounded when reporting on perpetrators of crimes. The second study uses a tailor-made annotation system to discuss referential strategies, descriptions of traits and the capacity to carry out different kinds of actions in the context of voice-hearing, to critically consider the different degrees to which people who experience psychosis personify their voices. We track these representations in the reports of those with lived experience over time and consider the implications of a social actor model for therapeutic interventions to support those with chronic mental health issues.
People use advance directives to express preferences that direct their future care when they lack decision-making capacity. One form of advance directive, a “dementia directive,” records preferences about living in various stages of dementia. This is important because many Americans want to avoid living with advanced progressive dementia. Unfortunately, traditional advance directives cannot dependably achieve this goal. In contrast, some dementia directives can achieve this goal, by directing cessation of manually assisted feeding and drinking.
While many dementia directives have been published, most have gaps and omissions that thwart the goal of avoiding extended intolerable life in advanced dementia. To overcome these problems, we formulated a new dementia directive. This article explains the value of this new directive. We proceed in six stages. First, we review the prevalence of advanced dementia. Second, we identify the disadvantages of another option for accomplishing the goal of not living into advanced dementia, preemptive VSED. Third, we distinguish notable court cases where dementia directives were unsuccessful. Fourth, we review nine prominent dementia directives, noting how the Northwest Justice Project’s Advance Directive for VSED remedies those shortcomings. Fifth, we review this directive’s legal status. Sixth, we articulate its ethical justification.
Right ventricular outflow tract stenting is a palliative treatment option in symptomatic infants with tetralogy of Fallot or with pulmonary atresia with ventricular septal defect. Predominantly bare metal stents are used for this procedure. The authors sought to assess the efficacy and safety of using the covered coronary stent grafts for the right ventricular outflow tract stenting.
Methods:
Between November 2017 and July 2021, the covered coronary stent graft was used to widen the right ventricular outflow tract in 20 symptomatic patients (pulmonary atresia with ventricular septal defect n = 5, tetralogy of Fallot n = 15).
Results:
All stent grafts were implanted successfully. The median time of palliation was 156 (43–1578) days. Eleven patients required stent redilation. Fifteen patients required additional stent implantation to relieve a proximal obstruction in the right ventricular outflow tract. There were three complications observed: right ventricular outflow tract perforation (n = 1), stent embolisation (n = 1), and main pulmonary aneurysm (n = 1). Oxygen saturation improved immediately after the procedure. During the follow-up time, all stents were patent, and we observed a significant increase in the diameters of the pulmonary arteries. Sixteen patients had corrective surgery performed with complete and easy removal of the implanted stents.
Conclusions:
Stenting of the right ventricular outflow tract with stent grafts was safe and effective and provided a durable method of palliation. Utilisation of the covered coronary stent graft facilitated surgical removal of the implanted stent during the surgical correction.
This paper examines the role of big business as the linchpin of late colonialism in Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe) during its Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) years between 1966 and 1979. After Rhodesia’s rebellion against Britain in 1965, London and the world, through the United Nations, responded by imposing sanctions against Salisbury, hoping to bring it to legality quickly. However, Rhodesia survived the expected impact of sanctions until its demise in 1979. Scholarship has accounted for this survival in various dimensions, emphasising the role of white solidarity/redoubt in the region, manipulation of the market and sanction busting or breach by friendly states and businesses. Regarding sanction busting, less accounted for are the other major sanction busters, except for well-known governments of Portugal, South Africa, and the USA, as well as British and South African oil firms. Using primary documents from British archives and intelligence work, this paper shows the specific companies that were the raison d’etre of late colonialism and the British government’s response and actions against these firms. The paper argues that by acting as conduits for Rhodesia’s access to international markets, British firms kept its economy going, thereby propping up and propelling the Rhodesian rebellion, paying and sustaining late colonial rule, and delaying the decolonisation of Rhodesia. The paper further shows the duplicity and indecisiveness of the British government in dealing with the Rhodesian problem, thus elongating settler rule. In doing so, the paper thus contributes to the historiography of the politics and economics of late colonialism and the role of business in decolonisation in Southern Africa.
This brief introduction argues that the current, swirling debates over the ills of social media are largely a reflection of larger forces in our society. Social media is accused of creating political polarization, yet polarization long predates social media and pervades every aspect of our society. Social media is accused of a liberal bias and “wokeness”; but in fact, conservative commentators accuse every major institution of our society, including academia, the press, and corporate America, of the same sin. Social media is said to be causing psychological harm to young people, especially young women. But our society’s tendency to impose image-consciousness on girls and young women, and to sexualize girls at ever younger ages, pervades not just social but also mainstream media, the clothing industry, and our culture more generally. And as with polarization, this phenomenon long predates the advent of social media. In short, the supposed ills of social media are in fact the ills of our broader culture. It is just that the pervasiveness of social media makes it the primary mirror in which we see ourselves; and apparently, we do not much like what we see.
The functionality and aesthetic of 3D-printed components can be compromised if visible defects appear on their external surfaces. To overcome this issue, CNC machines were traditionally adopted for milling machining. More recently, industrial robots have been demonstrated to be a valid alternative. This study presents a robotic workstation developed for contouring machining 3D thermoplastic components printed using the material extrusion technology. The workstation adopts a collaborative robot with a novel, custom-designed, and low-cost end-effector made of a powered contouring tool integrated with three load cells for measuring the cutting forces along three perpendicular directions. The tool path planning is defined by a proposed and validated procedure. By a vision algorithm and a touch-stop operation, the 3D CAD model-based tool path is adapted to the current position and orientation of the workpiece. The experimental activity for determining the optimal set of contouring machining parameters (rotational speed, cut depth, and feed rate) and for measuring cutting forces confirms the feasibility of adopting the cobot-based solution for this application and suggests potential improvements for future works.
High-resolution transmission spectroscopy has become a powerful tool for detecting atomic and ionic species in the atmospheres of ultra-hot Jupiters. In this study, we demonstrate for the first time that the Australian-built Veloce spectrograph on the 3.9-m Anglo-Australian Telescope can resolve atmospheric signatures from transiting exoplanets. We observed a single transit of the ultra-hot Jupiter WASP-189b – a favourable target given its extreme irradiation and bright host star – and applied the cross-correlation technique using standardised templates. We robustly detect ionised calcium ($\mathrm{Ca}^{+}$) and find evidence for hydrogen (H), sodium (Na), magnesium (Mg), neutral calcium (Ca), titanium (Ti), ionised titanium ($\mathrm{Ti}^{+}$), ionised iron ($\mathrm{Fe}^{+}$), neutral iron (Fe), and ionised strontium ($\mathrm{Sr}^{+}$). The strongest detection was achieved in the red arm of Veloce, consistent with expectations due to the prominent $\mathrm{Ca}^{+}$ triplet at wavelengths around 850–870 nm. Our results validate Veloce’s capability for high-resolution atmospheric studies, highlighting it as an accessible, flexible facility to complement larger international telescopes. If future observations stack multiple transits, Veloce has the potential to reveal atmospheric variability, phase-dependent spectral changes, and detailed chemical compositions of highly irradiated exoplanets.
Over the last few decades, the concept of Indigeneity has gained traction in Cambodia and Thailand, partially because of its potential to assist Indigenous Peoples in gaining more control over contested lands and forests. The Cambodian government recognizes Indigenous Peoples and their communal land titles. Since 2009, when a sub-decree was issued for registering Indigenous communities and their lands, dozens of villages in northeastern Cambodia have obtained communal land titles. The government of Thailand, however, does not officially recognize the existence of Indigenous Peoples. Nevertheless, the concept of Indigenous Peoples is gaining support in Thailand. Over the last few years, Indigenous activists in both countries have increasingly engaged in electoral politics. The Cambodia Indigenous Peoples’ Democracy Party (CIPDP) contested the commune and national elections of 2017 and 2018, respectively. In Thailand, Indigenous activists have also become more involved in electoral politics, especially during the 2019 national elections, when the first ethnic Hmong person was elected to Parliament. This Indigenous engagement in electoral politics represents a new strategy to gain more cultural and language rights at the legislative level, as well as tenure over land and other natural resources.
Since 1862, Indigenous land tenure in Aotearoa New Zealand has been regulated by statute law. The early Native Land Acts were aimed at alienating Māori from their land. A permanent Native Land Court was established in 1865 to identify who held customary title to land and to convert that title into fee simple, which could then be freely bought and sold. This process facilitated dispossession. The Native Land Court eventually became the Māori Land Court and since the enactment of Te Ture Whenua Māori/Māori Land Act, 1993 (TTWM), the legislative regime, rather than facilitating alienation, has placed significant constraints on the sale of Māori freehold land. Alongside the constraints on alienation, the TTWM provides for a range of statutory trusts particular to Māori freehold land and continues the significant supervisory powers of the Māori Land Court in the administration of Māori freehold land. A separate statutory regime now recognizes some limited customary rights in the coastal marine area. One further area that has a bearing on the nature of Māori land rights is the settlement of historical claims based on Crown breaches of Te Tiriti o Waitangi (the Treaty of Waitangi). Since the early 1990s, the Crown has been engaged in a systematic programme of direct negotiation with Māori groups to settle historical claims. These settlements usually involve the return of some Crown land to Māori. However, while this land is held for the collective benefit of the community, it is not usually returned as Māori freehold land, which would be subject to restrictions under TTWM, such as the constraints on the alienation of Māori freehold land. This chapter examines the impact of the current legislation for recognizing, reclaiming and governing Māori land and property rights and considers how well the law aligns with traditional Māori land tenure or otherwise meets the cultural imperatives of Māori communities in their relationships with whenua (land), with recommendations for advancing land as tāonga tuku iho (a treasure that connects current generations with their ancestors and future generations).
We examined all 2021 antibiotic prescriptions in Departments of Corrections in Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island using a modified defined daily dose calculation. We found heterogeneous results, suggesting the need for implementation of stewardship programs to optimize antibiotic prescribing in carceral settings.
Female genital schistosomiasis (FGS) is a neglected manifestation of Schistosoma haematobium infection, affecting an estimated 56 million women in sub-Saharan Africa. It is characterized by lesions in the genital tract, leading to symptoms like pain, infertility and an increased risk of HIV transmission. Despite its prevalence, FGS remains underdiagnosed and underreported due to limited awareness and diagnostic capabilities. Current knowledge emphasizes the need for integrated approaches combining diagnosis, treatment with praziquantel and education. There are ongoing efforts to integrate FGS services into women’s sexual and reproductive services, yet to date many African countries lack programmatic guidance to achieve this. More comprehensive integration and mainstreaming of FGS prevention, control and treatment across various sectors is needed to ensure intersectoral collaboration and financing of programmes. This review examines the various intervention tools currently available to achieve FGS integration in health systems. These include water, sanitation and hygiene improvements, environmental management, health education and inclusion of preschool-aged children in national schistosomiasis control programmes. Highlighted are also the required diagnostic and therapeutic tools, preventive interventions, effective policy and sustainable funding, all integral to achieving comprehensive FGS mainstreaming.
This paper develops an enactivist theory of expectation formation by introducing the concept of temporal affordances: institutionally structured possibilities for engaging with the future. Standard economic accounts treat expectations as internal beliefs and institutions as external constraints, while subjectivist approaches locate them in imagination and treat institutions as points of orientation. In contrast, this paper argues that institutions co-constitute expectations themselves. Drawing on affordance theory and the anthropology of time, it identifies four dimensions through which institutions shape temporal orientation: horizon, openness, grounding, and valence. Rather than understanding expectations as internal representations, it argues that engagement with institutional temporal affordances gives rise to distinct modes of expectation – institutionally enacted ways of relating to the future. By showing how different affordance configurations generate heterogeneity in expectations, the paper offers a conceptual tool for comparative institutional analysis and shows how institutions structure varieties of temporal orientation that underpin economic and social life.
This paper examines the gradual imposition of private property on agricultural land, mostly occupied by Indigenous communities, in the early nineteenth century by Andean republics’ ruling classes. The state’s weak authority and the Indigenous resistance to economic and political border advance impeded the immediate destruction of previous power structures, resulting in genuine statal formations in the region and clashes for the imposition of the newly adopted liberal ideas. This paper focuses on two early agricultural property privatization attempts in Bolivia, which have not been properly analyzed yet. First, José Ballivián’s governmental project, which resolved to dismantle the Indigenous communities through capitalist education, by placing “good examples” of white and mestizo colons between Indigenous lands using the legal formulation of emphyteusis, thus expanding the liberal conception of property and taxation and then making the existence of communal lands futile, achieving social homogeneity, enforcing capitalist production, and widening executive authority. Second, Jorge Mallo’s posterior pamphlet, which gave continuity to Ballivián’s policies through public opinion and linked them to the ones finally imposed in the second half of the century. Both initiatives were not successful but were remarkable steps in the process of Indigenous land usurpation by the state and white-mestizo colons.