This paper presents two distinct configurations of a GaN-based digital transceiver (TRx) to evaluate their performance and integration efficiency. The first configuration, features a novel low-noise amplifier with integrated switching capability (LNAiS) and a digital class-E power amplifier (PA) on a single compact chip. The LNAiS eliminates the need for an external antenna switch, reducing module complexity and chip size while maintaining high performance. It achieves a gain of 12.7 dB and a noise figure of 3 dB at 4.7 GHz in Rx mode and provides over 20 dB isolation in Tx mode across 4.7–7.4 GHz. The digital PA demonstrates flexibility and efficiency, achieving 46% and 23% efficiencies for 20 MHz LTE and OFDM signals, respectively, and 22% for a 240 MHz OFDM signal with 10 dB PAPR. The second configuration integrates the same concept of digital PA with a standard LNA and an SPDT switch (LNAsS), achieving a gain of 24.8 dB and a noise figure of 2.65 dB at 4.2 GHz. This work highlights the trade-offs between these two architectures and demonstrates that the LNAiS-based approach drives the development of greener, more flexible, compact,lower-complexity, and cost-effective transceivers for 5G networks.

Color perception is influenced by lexical categories. Previous research shows that languages partition the color spectrum in unique ways, leading to faster discrimination between colors belonging to different categories (Kay & Kempton, 1984; Winawer et al., 2007). The influence of color names on perception in bilinguals is not conclusive. In Italian, dark and light blues are distinguished as separate categories (blu and azzurro), while French speakers use bleu for both. We tested French–Italian bilinguals in a speeded color discrimination task, where language was indirectly involved, and compared the results with monolingual controls. Bilinguals tended to align with Italian monolinguals, as Italian categories dominated their perception of blue hues, but also showed some French-like behavior, reflecting the stability of the dark blue category. Bilinguals, therefore, process color through a mix of both languages, suggesting that language plays a key role in bilingual cognition, whose perception is shaped by more complex processes.

This article investigates the role of constitutional texts in memorialising historical guilts and traumas by delving into an unconventional and hitherto unexplored comparison: the Italian Constitution’s final Provision XII against the reorganisation of the fascist party, and the Indian Constitution’s Article 17 against caste-based untouchability. Both Constitutions, written in the same years, encoded their respective hurtful and traumatic pasts into their fundamental laws through these provisions, which explicitly mandated criminal legislations. After reconstructing the two very different contexts from which these constitutional provisions emerged, the article examines the very similar ways in which the two Constituent Assemblies incorporated historically motivated, criminalising clauses in their respective texts. It subsequently analyses the difficulties that legislators in both contexts encountered as they had to pass penal legislations emanating from the Constitutions, as well as the restrictive and contradictory interpretations of these legislations provided by the judiciary. By means of an original incursion into comparative constitutional history, this article contributes to a wider reflection around the interplay between historical traumas, constitutions, and mandates within them as a form of criminalisation of painful pasts.

This article analyses the conflicting relationship between botany and the rural economy in a period of great scientific, technical, and economic change. It takes as an example the Po Valley in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a laboratory for experiments on acclimatization of new plant species, particularly the potato among other products. Against this backdrop, political authorities and scientific institutions interacted with landowners, farmers, and other representatives of the rural world, sometimes successfully and other times with many difficulties. Source materials include institutional documentation and correspondence, supported by a new interpretation of pertinent scientific and economic texts.

What happens when states’ gender identity is endangered? How may a state actor’s gender identity be conceived of and (de)stabilised in the first place? What are the ontological effects of such disruptions? And how do states respond to ruptures in their gender identities or selves? Despite growing attention to gendered narratives in ontological security studies (OSS), the extant scholarship has engaged with gender issues more within states and societies than between them in making sense of state identity and behaviour in international relations. Building upon the existing literature and the theoretical works of Judith Butler, Luce Irigaray, and Hélène Cixous, this article attempts to contribute towards theorising gender more systematically into OSS by demonstrating how it constitutes collective subjectivities and orders imagined state selves in relation to others. Introducing the concept of ontological dislocation, it adopts a non-essentialist performative view of statehood as well as of gender and investigates how states pursue ontological security through gendering themselves and others and what ensues when critical facets of these gendered selves are distorted and disrupted. To illustrate the theorisation empirically, the research focuses on the gender dynamics of Iran’s revolutionary identity and nuclear behaviour to show how destabilisation of gender identity can cause ontological dislocation and lead to a restless scramble to relocate the self.

The level of aggregation at which electoral results are published can impact election integrity. Publishing results at a more granular level – such as at the level of the polling station – enables civil society watchdogs to independently verify vote totals, helping to deter aggregation fraud. While this logic undergirds the recommendations of the international organizations monitoring elections to publish more granular electoral results, to date there have not been systematic assessments of how variation in aggregation is linked to electoral miscounting. We address this gap by assembling a novel dataset on the granularity of electoral results in 123 low- and middle-income countries since 2000. Our findings revealed a strong negative relationship between reporting granularity and indicators of vote count irregularities. Importantly, we found no evidence that greater transparency leads to substitution into other forms of electoral manipulation, such as violence or clientelism, as measured by expert-based indicators.