Addiction was considered ‘alien to Socialism’. At least, that was the narrative upheld by the socialist East German state, which thus followed the traditional argumentation of socialist and social democratic movements since the turn of the century. While the state clung to this ideological claim, the consumption and abuse of beer, spirits, and benzodiazepines continued to increase. However, there was never a central strategy for the treatment and prevention of addiction in the German Democratic Republic (GDR). The hesitation and ignorance of the state authorities created a vacuum that was filled by local initiatives and expert discussions aimed at improving the situation of people with addictions. In this article, I analyse the introduction of new treatment methods in a psychiatric hospital in the GDR and show that doctors, psychologists, patients, and local officials had certain freedoms to test new approaches, many of which originated in the West. Even though they had to adapt concepts such as the ‘therapeutic communities’ of British reformer Maxwell Jones to the specific socialist and East German context to avoid restrictions by state authorities, the Berlin Wall did not prevent the transfer of knowledge. This article, therefore, paints a nuanced picture of the therapeutic methods used to treat people with addiction in the GDR. From condemning individuals as outcasts of socialist society for socially deviant drinking behaviour and relying exclusively on aversion therapy and moral accusations, there was a shift towards a mixture of treatments that became increasingly specialised and individualised, especially in the 1970s and 1980s, comparable to Western standards.

Understanding how law is articulated by computer means becomes crucial amid the widespread use of algorithmic decision-making systems (ADMs) in public policies. Based on a case study of the profiling algorithm deployed in labour market policies in Poland, this article contributes to the debate on computer representation of law. Using unique data concerning ADMs and their development, we address the following questions: How is the law articulated through algorithms? Who produces, and how, what kinds of discrepancies between the law and ADMs? Our analysis revealed discrepancies that were indicative of political decision-making that go far beyond adaptations of law to the requirements of ADMs. Furthermore, contrary to what the literature suggests, these discrepancies were a product of backstage decision-making by traditional policy-makers – executive and public administration – rather than system-level bureaucrats. Thus, we argue for the need to incorporate the political dimension more systematically into the analysis of computer articulation of law.

The current state of Arctic research and its community continues to exhibit high levels of political polarization and fragmentation by establishing a number of questions regarding the societal relevance of the process and its results for the benefit of present and future generations. The ASSW2025 (Arctic Science Summit Week) conference devoted to the ICARP IV (International Conference on Arctic Research Planning) process took place in Boulder, Colorado (March 2025), and had special importance in this regard. The conference was a summary meeting of the Arctic research planning process for the next 10 years and set the foundation for the upcoming IPY-5 (International Polar Year). The Summit, attended by nearly 1200 international scientists and researchers, Indigenous Knowledge holders, and community members from across the Arctic and beyond, exhibited the lowest ever attendance of Russian Arctic scientists representing Russian science organizations. This group studies and advocates for almost half of the Arctic’s social and human capital (roughly 2.4 million people live in Arctic Russia). In order to preserve scientific discourse and guarantee the societal and environmental benefits of science for the fragile socio-ecological systems of polar regions and their delicate geopolitics, effective transition strategies and approaches should be taken into consideration where possible.

This article reconstructs the mining practices and social activities of Chinese migrants in Maliwun, a tin-rich Burmese village on the Siam-Burma border between the 1840s and 1890s. Despite its natural resources and repeated mining attempts by various stakeholders, Maliwun could not materialise its potential and was slow in tin production and community development throughout this period. By focusing on the internal dynamics among its Chinese miners, especially around the rivalling Chinese “secret societies,” this article situates the frontier mining settlement within a larger regional network of the Southeast Asian Chinese and traces its Chinese community’s evolving relationships with fellow countrymen along the southern Siamese and northern Malayan coastlines. It argues that grassroots organisations played a crucial role in the early formation of this frontier Chinese migrant community, which was sitting at the intersection of political, labour, resource, gender, and ethnic frontiers and exhibited key features of fluid boundaries and transnational networks. Yet, these impacts should not be overstated, individually or collectively. The slow development of Maliwun calls for a careful reassessment of the limitation of roles played by porous borders, hybrid interactions, and transnational networks at a historic frontier.

The article focuses on the export of cadaveric pituitary glands from communist Bulgaria in the 1980s, used for the production of human growth hormone. The case is explored in the broader context of practices and transnational networks for the supply of pituitaries. Special attention is paid to the changes resulting from the turn to the production of recombinant growth hormone in the mid-1980s, which put an end to the international ‘market’ of pituitary glands. In the last sections, different perspectives are explored to make sense of the case under scrutiny: those of bioethics and biolaw, on the one hand, and of bioeconomy in a globalising world, on the other.

Hallyu has expanded significantly through digital platforms since the 2010s. While Netflix has played a crucial role in distributing Korean content worldwide, its platform-driven strategies typically favour commercially optimised and formulaic narratives. This article examines an alternative dynamic through the 2021 Netflix docuseries My Love: Six Stories of True Love, which builds upon South Korean director Moyoung Jin’s earlier independent documentary My Love, Don’t Cross That River. Produced with local teams across six countries under Jin’s executive oversight, the series preserves an aesthetic and political sensibility rooted in Korea’s minjung documentary tradition. Its sustained focus on marginalised elderly couples and the intimate relationship between camera and subject represents a significant departure from Netflix’s standard original docuseries, which often centre on scandalous crimes, sensational narratives, or planetary issues such as climate crisis. The article investigates how culturally specific narratives can achieve global resonance without diminishing local contexts. The analysis traces the culturally sensitive translation of a local independent documentary to a transnational Netflix series, arguing that such cross-cultural initiatives signal a multidirectional and inclusive reimagining of Hallyu that challenges its predominantly market-driven circulation patterns.

In 1959 and 1960, Cameroonian women nationalists visited the People’s Republic of China. These members of the Union démocratique des femmes camerounaises (UDEFEC) practiced what I term a “diplomacy of intimacy,” which highlighted the effects of colonialism on their bodies, fertility, and intimate relationships to create a shared affective experience of anticolonial solidarity with their Chinese counterparts. Expanding the definition of “diplomat” to reflect how diplomacy functioned in the decolonizing world reveals that women played a much larger role than previously understood. These women diplomats remained largely invisible to the Western powers and to the postcolonial Cameroonian government, but Chinese sources provide a valuable vantage point on their diplomacy. By drawing on sources from Cameroon, China, France, and the UK, I demonstrate that during decolonization African nationalist women represented their parties on the world stage, exercising far more diplomatic power than appears in histories of decolonization focused on the West.

This introduction to a special issue of BJHS concerned with intermedial approaches to the history of the public culture of science (those that pay attention to the forms of different science media and how they relate to each other) also stands as an argument for such approaches. It amplifies a trend within humanities and social-science approaches to its subject of studying the interactions between science, media and publics as complex historical phenomena – in comparison with evaluative research approaches that seek to make science communication more effective. It argues for the virtues of going beyond most existing scholarship in the field by considering many media together. Drawing on the work of media studies scholars Irina Rajewsky and Klaus Bruhn Jensen, it introduces working definitions of intermediality. It then explores historically the genealogies of intermediality, which emerges as an entanglement of changing disciplines, technological change and media practice. Two brief sections take the example of museum display in this intermedial context with the aim of showing first that museum practice was already intermedial before it was considered to be ‘one of the media’. It then concludes by showing how, and in what circumstances, the mediatization of museums came to seem necessary.