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Chapter 8 extends the analysis beyond South Africa to explore the activities of protest brokers in other contexts. While previous chapters focused exclusively on South Africa to develop and test the theory in depth, this chapter argues that protest brokers are not unique to that setting. Drawing on original data from Ghana and Malawi, as well as secondary evidence from Argentina, India, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Uganda, it demonstrates that intermediaries who organize protest on behalf of elites can be found globally. The chapter presents three main findings. First, individuals who function as protest brokers – connecting elites to communities – exist in a variety of countries. Second, these brokers differ in their relationships with elites and communities in ways consistent with the typology developed earlier in the book. Third, variation in broker characteristics correlates with predictable differences in protest across these different contexts. While not offering a comprehensive cross-national study, this chapter provides initial comparative evidence that protest brokers are a widespread phenomenon, suggesting that the theoretical framework developed here has broad relevance for understanding global patterns of protest mobilization.
This manifesto argues for a global exchange of wisdom such that, on one hand, those worst affected by climate change have a good understanding of its causes and consequences, and, on the other hand, their knowledge and experiences are fully incorporated into the international understanding of this global challenge. Taking the example of Uganda, it highlights that although many young people are experiencing the effects of climate change first hand through flooding, landslides or the impacts on agriculture and the wider economy, there is a widespread lack of understanding of the drivers, with local deforestation viewed as the main cause. This leaves young people only partially prepared for the future of worsening climate disruption. Climate change education, with indigenous examples to help pupils apply a broader lesson to a local context, can inform young people and empower them to respond. Sharing insights internationally and incorporating them into global educational offerings can support climate justice.
This work explores the travels of Ugandan Enoch Olinga, as an example of a person who enjoyed connections with global minorities across national boundaries and as a unique lens into the Black international experience in the mid-twentieth century. I examine his internationalist experiences through the lens of emotions to emphasize different dynamics of global racial identities and transnational diasporic connections during the 1950s–1970s, an era of decolonization and civil rights movements. I argue that Olinga, a prominent Baha’i who traveled worldwide during this era, advocated for unification among global minorities by emphasizing common racial and cultural heritages and expansive concepts of a politicized kinship. Through the Baha’i Cause, he articulated his own ideas about striving for global harmony and racial unity, with a connection to Africa serving as the linchpin. Emotional analysis provides insights into how Olinga invoked diverse notions of family and kin to arouse particular emotions amongst people of color both within and beyond the unity offered by the Baha’i Faith.
The diffusion of agricultural technologies, such as biofortified crops, is often non-linear, characterised by adoption, discontinuation, and re-adoption. This study examines the factors shaping these dynamic patterns for high-iron beans (HIBs) in Uganda. Based on cross-sectional survey data, we employed a multinomial logit model to categorise and analyse farmer adoption status. The results reveal that a combination of socio-economic and institutional factors significantly influences adoption behaviour. Specifically, the gender and age of the household head, as well as participation in off-farm income, were key socio-economic predictors. Regarding institutional factors, access to reliable markets and the presence of payback schemes emerged as the primary drivers. These findings suggest that overcoming adoption barriers requires addressing both the demographics of farmers and systemic constraints. We recommend a strategic pivot towards decentralising seed production by establishing certified community seed enterprises and enhancing training programmes that focus on both agronomic practices and market linkages to ensure the sustained cultivation of HIBs.
This paper considers dangers and pitfalls associated with a range of oversight options and scenarios, including self-regulation, government regulation, donor monitoring and community participation. The paper outlines the blind spots and sources of potential bias associated with each of these oversight mechanisms. Examining the Ugandan case study we find that perceptions of corruption and ineffectiveness tarnished the reputation of the sector, but at this stage the proposed peer review mechanism and stricter government regulation are unlikely to improve NGO sector outcomes. Government regulation is anticipated to be ineffectual due to poor design and insufficient resource allocation, but both of these factors may be attributable to the underlying political motivations. Similarly, not much is expected from the peer review mechanism because participation is voluntary, offers few benefits and the list of guidelines is too long and contains too many vague and intangible quality standards. The paper argues for more empirical research to inform the design of oversight mechanisms and to monitor the impact of self-regulation and government regulation on the NGO sector. This may also help to expose and limit opportunistic interventions by government, often thinly concealed under the conceptual cloak of accountability and oversight.
Research confronting inequality in volunteering has mostly focused on the attribution of its benefits to different groups and communities, with little attention paid towards fundamental factors that shape such inequalities and how these intersect with volunteering opportunities. This paper highlights the importance of volunteering for young refugees in Uganda, as a means of both learning new skills and earning a livelihood. However, evidence suggests that not everyone has equal access to these opportunities, with inequalities primarily distributed along the lines of language, gender and education. The paper provides a critical examination of the kinds of volunteering organised and promoted by state actors and civil society organisations with a particular focus on access to volunteering opportunities and the ways they can produce inequalities among young people. Based on data drawn from a study among young refugees from South Sudan, Burundi, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo in four settings in Uganda, the paper explores issues of access to opportunities as a core premise around which these inequalities are shaped. It demonstrates that rather than address social inequality, the obfuscation of these experiences in how volunteering is organised only serves to reinforce the status quo.
Non-governmental organizations’ (NGOs’) significant role in the development sector has augmented scholarly debate on their legitimacy and accountability over the last two decades. While this literature is often framed from a Northern theoretical perspective and focused on one or a few case studies, this article follows a different approach. Through an innovative social media analysis of the #UgandaNGOsExhibition X (formerly Twitter) campaign, this article inductively investigates the perception of Uganda’s urban public (Twitter/X users), a new emerging advocacy actor in Uganda’s civic space, concerning NGOs’ legitimacy and accountability. Our findings reveal that holding NGOs accountable in closed civic spaces can take various collective forms aside from direct control and co-optation by the government or increased donor scrutiny. Prioritizing naming, shaming, and peer accountability, the urban public appealed to NGO leaders to be more altruistic and practice the same ethos of social justice and accountability they demand from the government. However, NGOs should be receptive of valid criticism to maintain their legitimacy amid different accountability loci.
Indigenous NGOs in Uganda are a key stakeholder in the development process. Unfortunately, their impact on the ground has over the years been affected by their poor credibility. Until this research, no empirical research had been done to explore this terrain in Uganda. It is in the wake of this that this research was undertaken. This work was undertaken under the Swedish International Development Agency/Swedish Department for Research Cooperation grant for capacity-building for Makerere University. It was carried out on 100 NGOs selected randomly from some purposively selected districts. A total of 783 respondents responded to a questionnaire whereas some 100 key informants were also involved. The study employed both qualitative and quantitative approaches. Factor analysis with loadings above 0.4 established that several variables affect each of the factors, with the highest randomly selected loading in each factor being as follows: in accountability (0.61291), transparency (−0.66958), legitimacy (0.43661) partnership/networking (0.48110), ICT (−0.42610) and effectiveness (−0.77667). The beta (β) column under the standardised coefficients shows that the beta for legitimacy = 0.236; efficiency = 0.171; transparency = 0.153; accountability = 0.141; partnership = 0.120 and ICT = 0.080 and that all are significant at 0.001 level. The coefficients show that legitimacy is the most predictive factor for credibility and that the least predictive factor is ICT. All in all, it was established that the credibility of the NGOs is just average. The level of credibility was found to be insufficient for the badly needed effective service delivery and poverty eradication in a country where 24.5% of the population still live in absolute poverty. It is recommended that in practice, for NGOs to effectively participate in poverty eradication and enhance their credibility, they should invest in the above factors in proportion to their predictive power. Theoretically, more research needs to be done in order to develop a robust theory on the NGOs’ credibility. However, it was noted that these key factors could still provide guidelines for the theoretical explanation of the NGOs’ credibility in Uganda.
As Kamari Maxine Clarke likewise explores in her chapter, the intersection of rights and “transitional justice” in diverse situations has become one of the defining features of our time. Narrating the classic role of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission after the end of Apartheid, Clarke dramatizes the struggle over the meaning of transition, distinguishing between the “moralistic” goal of forgiveness and the more confrontational demand for accountability. For Clarke, the performativity of justice – it is always rendered by someone – means the history of human rights needs to be equally attentive to when it is not provided or when crimes are perpetrated or mistakes made in its name. What we see is that particular transitional justice speech acts enable the reproduction of particular types of power.
Debates over the links between ethnicity and conflict often focus on the national level and take an ahistorical approach. This approach hides cases of ethnic conflict that arise at the subnational level and leaves unanswered questions over how ethnicity became a driver of conflict. This article explores these blind spots, using three cases in the African Great Lakes region. The cases reviewed here are the bipolar situations of Hema v. Lendu in Ituri (DRC), Banyarwanda/Banyamulenge v. ‘Autochthons’ in South and North Kivu (DRC), and Hima v. Iru in Ankole (Uganda). These cases suggest that polarisation is a more useful approach than fragmentation, but simple correlations between ethnic dyads and conflict obfuscate the nature and depths of the cleavages, as well as the mechanisms fuelling them. We elaborate on the pathways of escalation, highlighting how and when elite manipulations can activate deeply held identitarian norms. We conclude by emphasising the many lulls and moments of de-escalation, countering the portrayal of ethnic conflict as somehow inevitable.
Environmental taxation is often justified by the ‘double dividend’ hypothesis, yet evidence overwhelmingly derives from high-income countries. In low-income countries (LICs), where broadening the tax base is a central fiscal priority, we identify a special case – the ‘tax base’ double dividend– in which environmental levies simultaneously curb emissions and strengthen revenue capacity. Exploiting Uganda’s 2018 reform of vehicle import duties as a natural experiment, we use administrative microdata covering all motor vehicle imports and a difference-in-differences strategy to assess this proposition. The reform generated substantial revenue gains alongside modest improvements in the emissions profile of imports. Effects varied by vehicle type, highlighting the need for policy tailoring. Drawing on these results, we outline design principles for LICs, emphasising sequencing, enforcement and inter-agency coordination. Uganda’s experience shows that administratively simple, import-based carbon taxes can serve as an effective and politically feasible entry point to carbon pricing while advancing domestic resource mobilisation.
This article examines women’s storytelling and nanga (harp) performances in nineteenth- and twentiethcentury western Uganda to investigate how these songs shaped community identity and norms. Drawing on musical recordings, archival sources, and interviews, this article demonstrates that these performances functioned as important public histories, teaching audiences about past famines, droughts, climate change, and cattle events. These narratives both chronicled regional histories and provided the shared intellectual material from which community norms and a shared identity could be articulated. Extant scholarship has focused overwhelmingly on how male intellectuals contributed to ideas of race, nation, or ethnicity. This article thus provides an important alternative by showing how women produced histories that contributed to group identity—yet this historical production occurred through musical performances rather than in books, tracts, or petitions. In doing so, this article reintegrates western Ugandan women into narratives of imperial encounters and intellectual history.
In tropical forests, the relative thermal and climatic stability contrasts with the seasonal oscillations, mainly due to rainfall patterns, that structure life cycles in temperate zones, leading to different ecological strategies among species. This study investigates the seasonal activity patterns and size-abundance relationships of four sympatric Goliath beetle species (Goliathus goliatus, Mecynorhina confluens, Mecynorrhinella poggei, and Fornasinius russus) in the Mabira Forest Reserve and in other forest areas, Uganda. Over three years (2021–2023), 1,231 individuals were sampled monthly using standardised traps and random transects. Time series analyses were used to explore patterns of abundance. We found a significant negative correlation between body size and abundance (r = –0.78, P < 0.05), with the smaller species, M. confluens and F. russus, being most numerous. Time series and Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) revealed significant sinusoidal patterns of seasonality for G. goliatus, M. poggei, and F. russus, while M. confluens showed non-significant cyclical trends, indicating potential stochastic fluctuations or greater ecological flexibility. Seasonal peaks were species-specific and generally occurred during transitional periods between wet and dry seasons, diverging from previously reported insect patterns peaking during the wet season. These findings suggest that differing phenological strategies may facilitate coexistence and niche partitioning, particularly among species differing in body size. Furthermore, larger species appeared to emerge earlier in the year, possibly reflecting life history adaptations or competitive dynamics. Our study highlights the importance of long-term, species-specific monitoring to understand ecological roles and vulnerabilities of tropical beetles, especially large-bodied taxa increasingly threatened by habitat loss and climate variability. Such insights are essential for informing conservation strategies in biodiverse tropical ecosystems.
This paper analyses linguistic information regarding signage developed by Ugandan English speakers at the grassroots level, as a category of non-elite users of English. It specifically examines linguistic signs displayed at small‑scale informal businesses, focusing on the source of the signs and the language(s) used in terms of features and the justifications for the choice of the language(s). The results show three types of signs: those written in English (which are predominant), those that blend English and Acholi, and those written in Acholi. Where English is involved, the findings reveal that the choice was mainly based on attracting a wider readership and thus clientele, as well as the fact that English is the functional official language in Uganda. It was also observed that both standard and nonstandard English were used. The source of the signs was reported to be grassroots users of English but sometimes artists and/or acrolectal users of English were involved in writing/drawing the signs.
Uganda is a case of midrange institutional control in which transitional justice has been subsumed within existing state institutions through a strategy of containment. In this chapter I present the Ugandan government’s strategy wherein transitional justice is enmeshed within existing structures of power, which allows the government to monitor and control the risks of norm compliance. The chapter begins with a discussion of the history of armed conflict in Uganda, particularly the war against the Lord’s Resistance Army and the government’s abuse of Acholi civilians. I then examine the government’s adaptation of transitional justice to identify and evaluate the containment strategy in which the risks of accountability are managed by integrating transitional justice into government institutions controlled through patronage, functionally rendering impunity for the state. I explore the containment strategy through three components of transitional justice in Uganda: International Crimes Division, state-regulated customary justice practices, and the National Transitional Justice Policy. To explore the strategy beyond the case of Uganda, I examine transitional justice in Côte d’Ivoire.
Now more than ever the international community plays a central role in pressing governments to hold their own to account. Despite pressure to adhere to global human rights norms, governments continue to benefit from impunity for their past crimes. In an age of accountability, how do states continue to escape justice? This book presents a theory of strategic adaptation which explains the conditions under which governments adopt transitional justice without a genuine commitment to holding state forces to account. Cyanne E. Loyle develops this theory through in-depth fieldwork from Rwanda, Uganda, and Northern Ireland conducted over the last ten years. Research in each of these cases reveals a unique strategy of adaption: coercion, containment, and concession. Using evidence from these cases, Loyle traces the conditions under which a government pursues its chosen strategies and the resulting transitional justice outcomes. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
1. What are the necessary issues of engagement in rural, traditional, and agricultural communities to make a change? 2. What kind of justice actions are required from social workers engaged with agrarian communities? 3. How can social work learn from different community approaches to update professional social work education, theory, and practice? Can this learning promote local solutions to local problems?
Mental illnesses constitute a large and escalating portion of the global burden of disease, particularly in low- and middle-income countries like Uganda. Understanding community perceptions towards mental illness is crucial for developing effective interventions.
Aims
To explore beliefs about the perceived causes and treatment of common mental illnesses (depression, anxiety, alcohol use disorder) and suicidality in rural eastern Uganda.
Method
Qualitative study using 31 in-depth interviews and 4 focus group discussions with healthcare workers, community health workers, community leaders and general community members in Buyende District, Uganda. Vignettes were used to depict mental illnesses to elicit perceptions, and data were analysed using the framework method.
Results
Two main themes emerged: perceived causes and treatment of mental illness. Participants identified three primary perceived causes: psychosocial (predominantly financial stress), biological and supernatural. Community support was most frequently endorsed as a perceived effective treatment, followed by biomedical interventions and alternative therapies.
Conclusions
This study identifies common beliefs regarding the causes and perceptions of mental illness in rural Uganda. The predominant focus on financial stressors as a cause of mental illness, coupled with strong emphasis and belief in the effectiveness of community-based support as treatment, highlights the need for context-specific mental health interventions.
To (1) determine how serum fatty acid (FA) levels differ by developmental stage, (2) quantify associations between perinatal HIV-related factors and PUFA levels and (3) examine the heterogeneity of these associations by developmental stage.
Design:
Cross-sectional secondary analysis of baseline data from two prospective cohorts.
Setting:
Kampala, Uganda.
Participants:
243 children (6–10 years old) and 383 adolescents (11–18 years old) were recruited at Kawaala Health Center based on perinatal HIV status. Youth (children and adolescents) were classified as: those with perinatal HIV infection (PHIV: n 212), those perinatally HIV exposed but remained uninfected (HEU: n 211) and those perinatally HIV unexposed and uninfected (HUU: n 203).
Results:
Adolescents had lower n-6 and n-3 PUFA levels than children, and among adolescents, these levels increased with age. Relative to children HUU, children PHIV had a higher triene:tetraene ratio and 20:3n-9 (indicators of essential fatty acid deficiency (EFAD)). Adolescents PHIV v. HUU had lower 20:5n-3 levels. When considering in utero/peripartum antiretroviral therapy (IPA) exposure, the FA profile was indicative of EFAD for youth PHIV with (a) no IPA exposure and (b) combination IPA exposure, whereas non-nucleoside RT inhibitor+nucleoside RT inhibitor exposure was associated with a favourable FA profile among youth PHIV and HEU (all P < 0·05).
Conclusion:
In this sample, perinatal HIV status was associated with low PUFA levels, and these associations varied by developmental stage and IPA exposure type. Future research should elucidate the contribution of IPA exposure type to EFAD and the implications of these differences on growth and cognitive development.
Do social media offer more opportunities for parliamentary opposition and independent candidates to reach voters in electoral autocracies? Social media have been seen as a great liberation tool, facilitating the mobilisation of disenfranchised citizens. However, scholarship on electoral autocracies highlights how they are well-versed in subverting democratic innovations. Taking the 2021 legislative campaign in Uganda as a case, we show that social media offer a range of opportunities for the opposition to campaign, while also providing new ways for the regime to try to maintain its dominance. Our findings rely on insights from 35 interviews with legislative candidates combined with data collected from their Facebook pages and Twitter profiles as well as from those of their opponents. We contribute to the literature on electoral autocracy and on candidates' use of social media in electoral campaigns by identifying the opportunities social media offer for both the regime and its opposition.