To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
A majority of the clergy simply tried to avoid becoming involved in the conflict at all. This was an unremarkable course of action in areas of the country where violence was rare. But even in violent counties such as Cork it was a common attitude. The most pressing concern for most priests most of the time was how to avoid bloodshed in their parishes, and, if blood had already been shed, how to relieve the suffering of their parishioners. This relief work was ostensibly non-partisan, but its emphasis on shared victimhood at the hands of a foreign power was intended to reinforce the message of Irish Catholic unity. The current chapter examines a number of humanitarian clerical responses to political violence and assesses their meaning. It also looks at the wider context. Priestly involvement did not happen in a vacuum. There were other political issues at play, related only indirectly to the struggle for independence, but which were of crucial importance to the clergy.
This chapter examines the efforts made by parents to share a way of life with their children as well as those efforts made in the name of the wider society to shape the values of its future citizens. It also examines civic education within a broader political environment of liberal democratic values and institutions. The chapter focuses on the legal, policy, and service issues relevant to civic education. Numerous studies have been carried out concerning civic education, both the civic component of children's formal education as well as specific civic education programmes. However, when children engage with civic education programmes, parents can be faced with moral conflicts concerning the requirement to protect children's liberty. The chapter explains the ways in which philosophers address the moral conflicts. It also addresses some of the ethical questions that arise when considering civic education.
For centuries Indian artisans produced luxurious silk cloths for both the external and internal markets. Indian merchants traded in bulk in South-East Asia; Gujarati silk textiles, including the superb patolas, were traded widely, never disappearing from long-distance trade. The East India Company, however, realised the commercial potential of Indian silk yarn as the English silk industry needed raw material for its weavers. During the Mughal period sericulture was encouraged by patronage and royal workshops in all the imperial capitals ensured that high standards of craft skills were maintained. In 1891 Thomas Wardle discussed with the government of India, the possibility of installing systematic sericulture in Kashmir. Although it had an ancient history, sericulture in Kashmir had been disorganised and erratic for centuries. Wardle was convinced that the decline was due to lack of knowledge of modern scientific method relating to the work of Pasteur on silkworm disease and disease prevention.
This chapter focuses in more detail on the figure of the naturalist in Spanish and Spanish American society. The possession and use of specialist equipment enhanced the accuracy and credibility of the naturalist's observations, forming an integral part of his professional identity. In the eighteenth- and nineteenth-centuries, naturalists founded their professional identity not only on their possession of precision instruments, but also on their heroism and dedication. They portrayed themselves as martyrs to science who risked their lives in pursuit of knowledge. The chapter explores how practitioners of natural history conducted, presented and defined themselves in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and what stereotypes surrounded men of science in this period. It considers how far Spanish scholars subscribed to prevailing European conceptions of the heroic, self-sacrificing scientific explorer and where both creole savants and indigenous informants fitted within this rhetorical framework.
Chapter 5 focuses on what appears to be one of the most conscious responses to the Burkean challenge: the invention of the panorama by the Irish-Scottish painter Robert Barker in the late 1780s. By literally removing the edges of representation, and immersing its viewers within an uninterrupted circular view, the panorama created a striking illusion of reality which, at least while the medium was still novel, caused unprecedented spectatorial thrills. While the medium could be linked to a tradition of illusion and immersion which predated the Enlightenment reflexion on the sublime, Barker clearly saw its relevance as a means to deny the limitations of painting. The chapter’s analyses of programmes, narratives and descriptions of panoramas by Robert Barker, Henry Aston Barker, Robert Ker Porter and Robert Burford suggest that this conception of the panorama as the most adequate pictorial vehicle of the sublime was to endure for several decades.
This chapter considers the various proposals submitted to the boundary commission in the weeks before partition. It examines the 'notional' boundary, which was based solely on demographic data from the 1941 census. The chapter analyses the sketch map line, an alternative that, the evidence indicates, Radcliffe considered only days before submitting his award. It discusses the likely repercussions of the Sikh claim, which called for a boundary following the Chenab River in the west. Next is the Congress proposal, which included Lahore and several large salients of central Punjabi territory. In central Punjab, the chapter examines the sketch map line of 8 August, which ran through the middle of the province, with a detour west into Ferozepur. The chapter also considers the Muslim League proposal, which left most of Amritsar district as an Indian enclave surrounded by Pakistani territory and extended several small salients into eastern Punjab.
This chapter explores the irreducible plurality of appropriate moral considerations and of morally relevant features when evaluating the legitimacy of parental power. The concept of coercion is necessary for evaluating parental power. The chapter discusses numerous theoretical positions such as republicanism, anarchism, various forms of liberalism, and social contract theory. It shows the inadequacy of efforts made to equate power with one of its forms and, in that way, to reduce moral complexity concerning the legitimacy of power. The legitimacy of power leads to arguments about liberty, coercion, control, authority, and paternalism. The chapter focuses on liberal arguments about the legitimate use of control. Liberals in particular are sensitive to the possibility that those exercising control may violate fundamental liberal commitments, such as liberal neutrality, without using coercion and without interfering with liberty. The chapter distinguishes between legitimate and illegitimate parent-child power relations.
Losing control of its Asian empire, Britain was turning to Africa to shore up an economy battered by war. In West Africa, tribal conflicts exacerbated by British rule could result in disaster. Whatever the difficulties in creating unity out of diversity, George Padmore saw encouraging evidence that Africans could come together under the leadership of militant trade unions. So long as African economies and governments were still controlled by foreigners, these unions could have more influence on development than they would have if Africa had its own strong capitalist class. Labour-powered nationalism was to Padmore more than a drive for self-government. Padmore had helped to foment the revolution he reported, and his Gold Coast visit helped solidify his position as Kwame Nkrumah's adviser and strategist. In his own mind, Padmore was more than the chief publicist for the Gold Coast revolution.
This chapter approaches the question of deviance and mental illness through one of the most contentious aspects of colonial history: sex. Starting from the premise that inter-racial sex presents the most likely site at which to uncover an interrelationship between psychiatric confinement and racial transgression, the chapter pursues a set of case histories in which sex figured prominently. The resulting analysis shows up the gendered nature of deviance in a colonial society as well as the ways by which psychiatry provided one diagnostic means to render such transgression safe.