After an intercomparison age experiment carried out in the framework of the first MODIS (MOrtar Dating Inter-comparison Study) project, the results showed general agreement both between optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) dating laboratories and with radiocarbon (14C) dating results. As the needs for the selection of samples convenient for an inter-comparison are not the same between 14C and OSL, for the second running, it has been decided to choose two different sample sets, one to share between the radiocarbon labs and one for the OSL dating ones. The results obtained by applying different experimental protocols (multigrain and single grain techniques) and different statistical models (weighted mean, central age mode, average dose model, minimum age model and exponential exposure dose) are discussed in this work.

Seven accelerator mass spectrometry radiocarbon (AMS 14C) dates (7260±106∼7607±95 BP averaged 7444±103 BP) on a giant oyster shell, collected from an ancient shore of the Taipei Basin, are similar to the LSC (liquid scintillation counting) 14C age (7260±46 BP) of a grass sample inside the shell. The calibrated 14C ages of the C. gigas by Marine20 are 7490±240∼7805±230 cal BP (average 7660±96 cal BP), generally agreed with the calibrated LSC 14C ages of the grass and the oyster shell. Combined with other 14C ages of shoreline samples in the Taipei Basin, it is evident that sea level rose from 8600 to 7600 cal BP and reached a stand higher than modern sea level. During this marine transgression, the sedimentation rate along the shoreline was very high because 14C dating was not able to detect age differences for 4–5 m thick sediment sequences. Sixty-nine analyses of δ18O and δ13C from the oldest part of the shell exhibit clear seasonal cycles, with a 4-year period of growth in the 5.5-cm section. According to the δ18O values, the ancient oyster grew in a warmer-than-present shoreline environment, suggesting that the current absence of the giant oyster in Taiwan is not due to warming conditions.

There is much discussion in archaeological circles about challenges associated with the millions of artifacts generated by fieldwork. Most of these discussions are limited to issues within the profession, such as care of collections, accessibility for research, orphaned collections, and shortcomings in training on collections awareness. An underrecognized third party in these discussions is the public. Despite a broadly held ethos of the importance of archaeology for all, archaeologists have paid comparatively little attention to sharing/exposing collections (and the outcomes of excavations) with audiences outside of the profession. This research discusses negative ramifications of not sharing collections with broader audiences and then presents some options for broadening this much-needed engagement through developing more public outreach efforts, providing alternative uses of collections, collaborating with private collectors, and using digital technology to increase access to collections.

This article discusses ethical frameworks for planning and implementing composite research in the United States. Composites, defined here as archaeological materials with multiple genetic sources, include materials such as sediment, coprolites, birch pitch, and dental calculus. Although composites are increasingly used in genetic research, the ethical considerations of their use in ancient DNA studies have not been widely discussed. Here, we consider how composites’ compositions, contexts, and potential to act as proxies can affect research plans and offer an overview of the primary ethical concerns of ancient DNA research. It is our view that ethical principles established for analyses of Ancestral remains and related materials can be used to inform research plans when working with composite evidence. This work also provides a guide to archaeologists unfamiliar with genetics analyses in planning research when using composite evidence from the United States with a focus on collaboration, having a clear research plan, and using lab methods that provide the desired data with minimal destruction. Following the principles discussed in this article and others allows for engaging in composite research while creating and maintaining positive relationships with stakeholders.

Archaeologists are taught about the importance of professional recordation and our ethical obligations to those associated records and data. These teachings imply that practitioners are meeting a professional standard of recordation that will stand the test of time, but the ongoing digital revolution is changing the way records and data are created and preserved. Best practices for the management and use of digital archaeological records have been published, and devoted digital archives offer these services. However, the ability of traditional archaeological repositories to adopt best practices or pay for digital curation is poorly understood. This article presents the results of a survey asking how the flood of digital records and data has impacted the ability of archaeological repositories to collect, manage, preserve, use, and make accessible digital archaeological records and data. Are repositories adopting the best practices that have been outlined? What kinds of challenges do repositories face regarding digital records and data? Are they being overcome successfully? The survey results offer a snapshot of current practice and point to future directions that should be pursued to ensure that the discipline is meeting its professional obligations.

The absolute dating of mortar by accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) has been the subject of renewed interest for several years. International intercomparison campaigns, called MODIS (MOrtar Dating Intercomparison Study), have been carried out. The first MODIS-1 campaign highlighted limitations in mortar dating, due to the similarity between the primary material to be dated (binder) and the contaminant (exogenous CaCO3). Methods have since emerged to overcome this problem and the need for a good preliminary characterization has been proven. The Laboratoire de Mesure du Carbone 14 (LMC14) took part in the second intercomparison campaign, MODIS2, by applying thermal decomposition increments to distinguish the carbonated binder, the organic matter contaminants (late in formation pyrogenic carbonate, LDH) and limestone. The LMC14 results on MODIS2 are quite conclusive on “pure” re-carbonated lime mortar binders containing little contaminant geological limestone but show their weaknesses for mortars heavily contaminated in Dolomites, which are difficult to discern from the binder. Recommendations for users of radiocarbon (14C) dating on mortar-based materials are made in the conclusion.

The arch of Gordian III at Mustis (Al Karib, Tunisia) has been the subject of scholarly work since the eighteenth century, and its dedicatory inscription has drawn the attention of antiquarians and archaeologists since the early nineteenth century. The transcription and reconstruction of its text were proposed by the editors of the eighth volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum in numbers 1577 and 15572. This version has prevailed in scientific literature ever since, even though Beschaouch announced in a short note in 1969 the discovery of a fourth block that substantially alters the information it contains. However, a comprehensive study of the complete inscription was never published due to the lack of graphic material. Thanks to the drawing by J. Vérité, the architect in charge of the monument's restoration, we can analyse the inscription as a whole. We conclude that the proposal by the CIL editors is incorrect, we provide the complete transcription of the epigraph, and we propose a new date for the dedication of the arch, in 240 AD.

In this study, we address interpersonal violence during the transition between the Middle and the Late Formative periods in the Central Andes, a critical period of political disintegration, hypothesized population pressure, and reorganization of the belief systems that is poorly known from a bioarchaeological viewpoint. Our objective is to understand the nature of the violence and associated factors in this context based on a detailed description of skeletal trauma in 67 well-preserved individuals (20 adolescents and adults and 47 subadults) recovered from Quebrada Chupacigarro cemetery (500–400 BC); this site is located in the middle valley of Supe on the Peruvian north-central coast. To detect patterns and potential causes, we registered the prevalence of traumatic injury according to age, sex, anatomic location, mechanisms (blunt, sharp, mixed, etc.), timing (antemortem or perimortem), and manner (inflicted or accidental). The results show a high prevalence of fractures in the whole population, but especially in adolescents and adults. Eighty percent of the adolescents and adults perished due to the intentional trauma and show patterns that suggest repetitive episodes of interpersonal violence. Perimortem injuries in the skull, face, and thorax are compatible with lethal interpersonal violence. The findings support a probable scenario of intercommunity violence in the middle valley of Supe around 500–400 BC.

When the colonists who made up the Virginia Company of London established James Fort on the banks of the James River in 1607, they brought with them sheets of scrap copper. Based in large part on the experience of the earlier Roanoke Colony, the English knew that copper was a highly prized material among Native peoples of the Chesapeake, and they brought it with them as a trade item. Artifacts made from European smelted copper (impure copper and copper alloy) have been found at contact period sites (ca. AD 1607–1680) throughout Virginia, and James Fort has long been hypothesized to be the primary distribution point for that material. To test this hypothesis, we analyzed the elemental composition of a sample of smelted copper artifacts from James Fort (1607–ca. 1625), as well as samples of copper artifacts from five Native sites in central Virginia. We also analyzed a sample of copper artifacts from another well-known European fort site—Fort San Juan (1567–1568) in North Carolina. The results suggest that although a portion of the smelted copper that circulated through Native networks in Virginia came from James Fort, the rest of it possibly came from English, French, or Dutch distribution points to the northeast.

The Luwian corpus written in Anatolian hieroglyphs consists of about 300 inscriptions. Though this is sufficiently large that Luwian is mostly understood, not all words are known in full writing. One of those is the word for ‘city, town’. Since cities play an important role in Luwian monumental inscriptions, it is remarkable that the word for such a central concept is still unknown. Using a multi-modal approach, combing orthographic, morphological, iconographical and archaeological analysis, I argue that the word for ‘city’ is /allamminna/i-/ ‘fortified settlement > city tout court’, and that the hieroglyph for ‘city’ depicts a merlon, a raised section of a fortification’s battlement, thus linking it to the Hittite tower-vessels that express the relationship between city and fortifications in a material way. The identification of /allamminna/i-/ also impacts the analysis of other Hittite and Luwian words that are hitherto not well understood or not understood at all. Furthermore, it increases our understanding of aspects of the material world and of the cultural and linguistic interactions between Anatolian and Syrian societies. Finally, it illustrates the impact of Luwian and Luwians on Hittite society.