The automatic graphitization system (AGE3) by IonPlus is very popular among radiocarbon dating laboratories. Usually, solid samples are burnt in an elemental analyzer (EA), and the gaseous CO2 is transferred for graphitization. Our system is coupled also with an isotope ratio mass spectrometer (IRMS), which measures the δ13C and δ15N of that gas. Some less routine pretreatment protocols require the production of gaseous samples and prevent the possibility of using the EA-AGE3 system, as the EA is used for solid samples only. In order to use that system, including the measurements of stable isotopes, we developed a glass tube cracker that connects to the EA. The device is routinely used in our laboratory and is mainly built from Swaglok catalog parts. We show that the background (blank) levels of a marble standard are indistinguishable between using the cracker and burning solid marble using the EA. We further demonstrate that the δ13C values are consistent and that the extraction efficiency when using the device is above 93%. Full descriptions, drawings, and working protocol are supplied.

This study suggests that there may be considerable difficulties in providing accurate calendar age estimates in the Roman period in Europe, between ca. AD 60 and ca. AD 230, using the radiocarbon calibration datasets that are currently available. Incorporating the potential for systematic offsets between the measured data and the calibration curve using the ΔR approach suggested by Hogg et al. (2019), only marginally mitigates the biases in calendar date estimates observed. At present, it clearly behoves researchers in this period to “caveat emptor” and validate the accuracy of their calibrated radiocarbon dates and chronological models against other sources of dating information.

The game of fifty-eight holes is one of the longest recognized games of antiquity, but also one of the least understood. New evidence from the Caspian littoral points to an early adoption of the game by Middle Bronze Age seasonally pastoral cattle herders in the late third millennium and early second millennium bc. Six boards bearing this game's distinct pattern were found at sites on the Abşeron Peninsula and Gobustan Reserve in Azerbaijan. Their presence there not only indicates that the region was connected to societies to the south, but also demonstrates the game's popularity across cultures and socioeconomic groups. Its supposed first appearance in Egypt is questioned in favour of a south-western Asian origin.

This paper considers the question of how to find “women's space” in the Roman house by looking at a painting of the myth of Pero and Mycon in a small cubiculum off the atrium of Pompeii's House of Marcus Lucretius Fronto. It argues that the combination of the image with an ecphrastic poem functions to draw viewers into the enclosed room, so that they experience the painting from a position of interiority. This echoes the interiority which is thematized in the myth and presented as an important aspect of the virtuous femininity it celebrates. By communicating gendered meaning through both images of place and the viewer's physical experience, the painting offers a way of understanding women's space as simultaneously material and representational.

Humans have utilised caves for funerary activities for millennia and their unique preservational conditions provide a wealth of evidence for treatments of the dead. This paper examines the evidence for funerary practices in the caves of Scotland and northern England from the Bronze Age to the Roman Iron Age (c. 2200 bc–ad 400) in the context of later prehistoric funerary ritual. Results suggest significant levels of perimortem trauma on human skeletal remains from caves relative to those from non-cave sites. We also observe a recurrent pattern of deposition involving inhumation of neonates in contrast to excarnation of older individuals.

We know plenty of personal names from Cyrenaica and most of them are known to us through inscriptions. Although the bulk of them are Greek, with some local dialectal features, we also find already in the Classical period some Libyan names. Later on, two new influxes become clear in local onomastics: Jewish and Roman names which appear in great number. In 1987 (LGPN 1), these names were collected, with the main emphasis on Greek, and were studied both from a linguistic and a sociohistorical point of view. The publication of digital corpora in 2017 and 2020 and other digital resources now make it possible to update the corpus and to search it much more easily. Some new results are presented here with the stress on Libyan and Jewish names.