Previous studies have indicated that young middle-class Japanese women’s stronger willingness to study English in the West can be attributed to Japan’s gender inequality and women’s longing for gender-equal Western societies. This literature-based study highlights an overlooked group of non-elite young Japanese women who make grassroots efforts to achieve upward mobility by studying English in Western English-speaking countries while participating in working holiday programs. Although socioeconomic and educational inequalities exist among international students, they are often invisible, particularly among the youth from developed countries such as Japan. This study provides new insights into the factors that influence unprivileged young Japanese women’s investment in studying English abroad. For example, women’s beliefs in the power of English skill development and overseas work experience are derived from the misconception dominant in Japan’s non-multilingual corporate world that anyone with self-acquired English skills can perform bilingual jobs, such as interpreting. This factor enables academic and commercial agents (e.g., women’s magazines and college prospectuses) to produce pro-women discourse that even non-elite young women can achieve career mobility by gaining English skills and overseas work experience. Implications are provided for international English education stakeholders positioned to emphasize global English promises while obscuring the reality of widening disparities. The gap between university-based elite researchers and non-elite research participants is also discussed as a challenge to the much-needed attempt to further examine the impact of global and localized English ideology on non-elite English learners’ grassroots efforts toward upward mobility.

Despite being outlawed, attacks on cultural heritage remain a pervasive feature in atrocity contexts, the effects of which are compounded by a relative deficit of accountability at the international level. To remedy this gap, the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) of the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued Policy on Cultural Heritage. However, crimes against cultural heritage are not fully articulated in the Court’s governing instruments. To leverage the protective scope of the Court, the Policy adopts a human rights understanding of cultural heritage which I frame in terms of distinctive relationships between heritage and atrocity crimes. The Policy fertilises a second argument shorthanded as world-building. Against world-destruction, the Policy erects an accountability architecture. Conceptually, it foregrounds an understanding of the world as a cultural construct around which social relations are organised. Crimes against heritage undercut the very notion of what it means to be human; disrupt cultural identification, transmission, and development processes; and deny present and future generations the ability to be specific kinds of cultural human beings. In those regards, this article adds to the world society research agenda of English School theory by examining how the Policy more fully develops the Court’s role as an agent for humanity.

Three decades after the Good Friday Agreement, repositories such as the Linen Hall Library in Belfast have built collections that explore the impact of sectarian violence and the path to peace. While the Northern Ireland Political Collection is a must for any scholar of The Troubles, the library is also filled with resources for British scholars in a number of areas. One such innovative resource – the ExtraORDINARY Women collection – helps scholars answer questions of how gender history interacts with contemporary and local political history. The collection documents the history of a range of women's political and civil rights in holdings that range from 1965 to the present.

Building on Maria Mälksoo’s influential 2015 article “Memory Must Be Defended”: Beyond the Politics of Mnemonical Security (Security Dialogue, 46(3), 221–237), the volume Defending Memory in Global Politics: Mnemonical In/Security and Crisis, edited by Erica Resende, Dovilė Budrytė, and Douglas Becker, examines contemporary politics of memory politicisation and securitization captured in eleven case studies, structured according to actor types (state versus non-state). The book’s primary conceptual proposition is predicated on the concept “mnemonic in/security”. As with the broader concept of ontological security, this term encapsulates the tensions between the imperative to safeguard a collective memory against perceived external and internal threats to create and stabilize collective identities, and the inherent vulnerabilities and marginalizations that accompany the selection of memories to be enshrined in such an effort. In this perspective, conflicts over recognition, or even mnemonic “battles,” are inevitable. Such struggles manifest themselves, for instance, when governments promulgate specific memory narratives that neglect or reinterpret historical wrongdoings against other states. However, they can also occur within political communities. In such cases, political actors—particularly following periods of internal crisis and violence—promote amnesia or, conversely, memorialization of historical events. The purpose of this promotion is to legitimize a political order and its hegemonic forces.

This article introduces the scope, content, and capabilities of a new born-digital archive. The Medieval Londoners Database (MLD) uses an online platform to collect from and connect to both documents (printed and archival) and digitized resources (such as British History Online and the History of Parliament Online). As a digital prosopography, MLD is a freely available resource that offers sophisticated search options to discover more about the lives of both the civic elite and ordinary individuals who resided in the city of London or its suburbs of Southwark and Westminster between ca. 1100 and 1520. MLD exemplifies how digitization and the semantic web enhance historical research by creating super-powered archival collections that are ever-expanding, accessible via multiple entry points, and able to facilitate highly analytical research.

Pseudocyesis, also known as false pregnancy, is defined as the belief of being pregnant with physical signs and symptoms in the absence of a confirmed pregnancy. Notable cases include Queen Mary, who suffered from phantom pregnancies under societal pressure to conceive in the 16th century. Although now extremely rare, at its peak it accounted for 1 in 250 pregnancies following the Second World War, and was thought to be linked to heightened gender norms and sociocultural expectations around motherhood during this time. Pseudocyesis presents with complex and unique diagnostic challenges in clinical practice. It differs from delusional pregnancy, which is a fixed belief of pregnancy without physical signs or symptoms. The condition is often associated with infertility, psychological distress and neuro-endocrine conditions affecting the reproductive system. Management requires a multidisciplinary approach, integrating psychological support and addressing underlying reproductive health issues.

In 1805, during a lull in hostilities between England and France, minor Warwickshire landowner and slaveholder Bertie Greatheed was on a European tour with his family when his son died, leaving behind an illegitimate child. Greatheed acquired his granddaughter from her Dresden-based mother and brought the child up as his own. This article revisits Steedman's earlier scholarship on Greatheed, which focused on questions of domestic service, through the lens of slavery. It uses the seventeen volumes of his diary-writing compiled between 1805 and 1825 to explore the connections between Greatheed's ownership of enslaved people on his St. Kitts estate and his possession and nurturing of his grandchild. It considers the contradiction between Greatheed's position as an abolitionist and his profit from slavery and slave ownership, which he used not only to sustain a way of life, but also to develop Leamington, Warwickshire, into a spa town and pleasure resort.

The Neptune Islands Group and Western Kangaroo Island Marine Parks were declared as part of South Australia’s representative system of Marine protected areas (MPAs) in 2009. Sanctuary zones, located within these MPAs, prohibited commercial fishing in the state’s Northern Zone Rock Lobster Fishery from 2014. In 2022, dedicated surveys were undertaken both inside and outside two of the sanctuary zones to estimate the relative abundance (catch per unit effort; CPUE) and size of southern rock lobster (Jasus edwardsii). Survey results were then compared to estimates of abundance obtained from long-term commercial fishery-dependent data within each area. The legal-size CPUE by weight of lobsters was 389% and 411% higher inside sanctuary zones of the Neptune Islands Group and Western Kangaroo Island, respectively, compared to outside, based on survey data. Survey catch rates inside the two sanctuary zones were also considerably higher than historical catch rates estimated from commercial fishing data. Lobsters inside both sanctuary zones were larger than those outside in terms of mean weight compared to historical estimates. However, surveys recorded similar mean size in lobsters both inside and outside the Neptune Islands Group sanctuary zone, indicating a possible spillover effect of MPA protection. The Northern Zone Rock Lobster Fishery is currently in a biomass rebuilding phase. The results highlight the productivity potential of temperate reef ecosystems within South Australia in terms of southern rock lobster abundances.