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This article argues that Mark uses matronymics, that is, identifying someone by the name of their mother, to construct female communities that resist Jesus’ message. This happens precisely twice in the Gospel of Mark, at Mk 6.3 (Jesus ‘the son of Mary’) and at Mk 6.22 (‘the daughter of Herodias’). Through comparison with other Greek uses of the matronymic, I will show that both scenes draw on the link between matronymics and female lines of authority, but with slightly different valences. Mark 6.3 heightens the female context of the Nazareth speakers and the hometown resistance, while Mk 6.22 is more concerned to establish a competing line of authority to that of Jesus in the person of Herodias and her daughter. My argument complements previous research into the Markan characterisation of the positive portrayals of multiple unnamed women in Mark’s Gospel (e.g. the women with the flow of blood (Mk 5.25–34), the Syrophoenician woman (Mk 7.24–30), the poor widow (Mk 12.41–4) and the woman who anoints Jesus in Bethany (Mk 14.3–9)). Joining the negative named women to the positive unnamed women reveals a unique feminine pattern of Markan characterisation, with its own dynamics and inflections.
Democracies may be defined as civic arrangements wherein all citizens have equal political standing. The problem is that no real-world democracy has successfully achieved this arrangement. Are they really democracies, then? For that matter, are there any democracies at all? Aikin and Talisse propose that ‘democracy’ is an aspirational concept, one that holds those who strive to achieve particular ends to exceedingly high standards. This makes democracies intelligible as democracies in their collective aspirations, but it also makes their failures instructive parts of what they are as democracies.
Academic research libraries that build and steward collections in support of art research are always developing and executing strategies for their physical and virtual spaces, preservation, and access. NYU Libraries’ Institute of Fine Arts Library welcomes readers of a wide range of expertise, subject focus, and languages and works to make the library collections easier to discover and use in more creative ways in the pursuit of research, teaching, and learning. This work raises the question, whom do librarians turn to when they are responsible for subject areas or languages they may not know?
This article concerns collection development at NYU Libraries’ Institute of Fine Arts Library focusing on the African American and Black Diaspora, Asian, and Latin American & Caribbean art collections as distinct collections within a larger art library setting. In addition, it provides ways libraries can implement collection development policies that prioritize materials by underrepresented groups and offer community engagement with partners focused on inclusion, diversity, belonging, equity, and accessibility.
We quite often play the game of wondering what our older self would say to our younger self. Usually by way of advice. Mistakes to avoid. This seems true. But here it is suggested that our younger self may have important things to say of a similar sort to our older self, and in a sense can by our remembering when older what we were like when we were younger and what mattered to us. The process of wondering what might be said goes both ways.
This themed section explores linguistic disadvantage as a key form of structural-institutional disadvantage in welfare societies, focusing on how language policies, practices, and ideologies shape migrant background service users’ access to services, rights, and social protection. The novel contribution by the team of authors with a background in social policy, social work, sociology, and ethnology is to fill existing conceptual and empirical gaps by advancing a relational view on multilingualism and linguistic diversity and highlighting the critical importance of language in institutional policies and practices and in the everyday encounters and relationships between service users, the welfare state and its representatives. The articles represent a rich variety of national and cross-national research, drawing on empirical case studies from Finland, Sweden, Belgium, and Canada. By situating language practices within broader social, political, and cultural struggles, the section calls for social policies and practices that challenge monolingual ideals and promote plurilingual ways of knowing.
The relationship between political philosophy and real-life politics is one that is heavily contested. On the one hand, it has been argued that political affiliation is a biasing force that stands in the way of our ability as political philosophers to maintain an objective perspective (Van der Vossen, 2015; 2020). On the other hand, it has been argued that political philosophers run the risk of bias whether they are politically active or not (Jones, 2020). In this paper, I nuance the debate at hand: I specify what kind of activism we should be concerned with as a biasing force, elaborate on what biases we should aim to mitigate as political philosophers, as well as what tools we have at our disposal in combatting biases within the discipline. This allows me to argue that participation in certain forms of political activism can be a powerful method for avoiding the most pernicious and pervasive biases we are prone to, namely biases against marginalised groups, and in favour of the political status quo. This has the implication that we must avoid a blanket ban on political activism within political philosophy, and instead recognise the epistemic merits of political activism where it is due.