As extreme political views gain popularity and acceptability, the conditions under which media exposure to extreme right views contributes to this process, and strategies to counter media-induced persuasion and normalisation effects remain unclear. Using population-based survey experiments leveraging real-world interviews with extreme right activists on Sky News UK and Australia, we test whether media exposure leads to higher agreement with extreme right statements. We also test whether exposure affects perceptions of how many others agree with these statements. Our findings are consistent across both countries: exposure to uncritical interviews increases agreement with extreme statements and perceptions of broader support in the population. Testing the media strategy in the UK, we find that critical interviewing tarnishes the activist’s image and reduces effects, but still heightens perceived support for extreme statements. This study identifies a mechanism through which extreme political ideas spread and offers insights into media strategies to counteract persuasion and normalisation effects.

Increasing numbers of children and young people (CYP) are presenting with common mental health difficulties. In 2017, the UK government outlined a service transformation plan which led to the development and implementation of Mental Health Support Teams (MHSTs), to deliver evidence-based interventions in schools for mild to moderate mental health difficulties. This service evaluation aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of individual interventions delivered by MHST practitioners trained to deliver low-intensity cognitive behavioural interventions to CYP with mild to moderate mental health difficulties, within one service based in the South East of England. Four hundred and fifty-nine CYP engaged in an individual intervention delivered by MHST practitioners between January 2021 and December 2022. Interventions were delivered either online via video call or face-to-face. All children and their parents/carers were invited to complete two routine outcome measures (Revised Children’s Anxiety and Depression Scale (RCADS), and Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ)) at baseline and post-intervention. Outcome data demonstrated significant improvements across all child- and parent-rated RCADS anxiety and depression scales. Significant improvements were also shown for both child- and parent-rated SDQ total difficulties and impact scores. These all showed effect sizes ranging from medium to large. Girls presented higher scores pre- and post-intervention compared with boys apart from the OCD subscale; gender was not a predictor of improvement in the majority of analyses. Individual, low-intensity cognitive behavioural interventions delivered in this MHST service were effective in reducing symptoms of emotional and behavioural difficulties in CYP with mild to moderate mental health difficulties.

Key learning aims

1. (1) Understand the context of Mental Health Support Teams (MHSTs) as an early intervention service within school settings.

2. (2) Learn about the impact of MHST-delivered interventions on symptoms of emotional and behavioural difficulties in children and young people.

3. (3) To gain an understanding of how boys and girls may respond differently to MHST-delivered interventions.

Montesquieu’s philosophy of moderate government offers only a qualified endorsement of commercial republics. Recent scholarship has increasingly recognized the extent to which he advocated a monarchy balanced by an aristocracy. This article explicates Montesquieu’s understanding of honor as a vital aristocratic motive and one more consistently favorable to liberty than mercantile self-interest. It then compares this argument to the constitutionalism of the American Federalists. Whereas Publius attempts to create a balance of powers on the basis of representing aggregates of individuals, Adams throughout his writings affirms Montesquieu’s assumption that the impulse for honor creates enduring hierarchies in society, which must be explicitly accounted for in constitutional design. It concludes by suggesting that, amid today’s concerns about oligarchy, inequality, and populism, Adams’s realism points toward a healthier relationship between elites and people.

This article delves into the often-overlooked scholar Robert Greene, a Fellow of Clare Hall, Cambridge, who authored works in both religion and natural philosophy. Greene made significant contributions to the debate on the interplay between reason and faith, with his primary target being John Locke, whose epistemology and views on the relationship between reason and faith he considered detrimental to religion. This article examines Greene’s criticism of Locke’s views on the relationship between reason and faith within its institutional context, shedding new light on Locke’s early reception at the University of Cambridge.

In East Jerusalem, the vast majority of Palestinians contest the legitimacy of the Israeli state’s claim to sovereignty. This necessarily affects how Palestinians engage with the state in pursuit of goods and services. But how? Using data from 55 interviews and original observational and experimental survey data from a representative sample of East Jerusalemites, I show that civilians’ engagement with each good, service, and institution of the state is a function of their perceptions of the state’s legitimacy, or right to rule, in that sector. Civilians will avoid engagement with goods, services, and institutions that explicitly affirm the state’s claims to monopolized sovereign rule, without forsaking essential goods and services. This article empirically illustrates that the same individual will make different choices with respect to each state sector, and in doing so builds on the burgeoning recognition of sector-level choices in the citizen claim-making literature.

Turbulence driven by gyrokinetic instabilities is largely responsible for transport in magnetic fusion devices. To estimate this turbulent transport, integrated modelling codes often use mixing length estimates in conjunction with reduced models of the linearized gyrokinetic equation. One common method of formulating and solving the linearized gyrokinetic eigenvalue problem equation uses a Ritz variational principle, particularly in the local collisionless limit. However, the variational principle as typically stated in the literature is mathematically incorrect. In this work, we derive a mathematically correct form of the variational principle that applies to local linear collisionless gyrokinetics in general geometry with electromagnetic effects. We also explicitly derive a weak form of the gyrokinetic field equations suitable for numerical applications.

The primary policy response to population aging in advanced economies has been to raise the mandatory retirement age. However, these policies have reignited calls for differentiated retirement ages that take into account variations in work intensity. This paper utilises microdata to examine the relevance and feasibility of this concept in Europe. It first quantifies career arduousness using SHARE wave 7 retrospective ISCO4-digit data on careers in combination with US O*NET working conditions data. Then, using SHARE follow-up data collecting (bad)health and death information about wave 7 respondents, it estimates (healthy) life expectancy by career arduousness decile, combining econometrics and life table methods. Findings reveal a life expectancy gap between the least and most arduous careers of 4to 4.2 years. Healthy life expectancy differences are slightly larger, ranging from 6.9 to 9.1 years. Also, women’s healthy life expectancy seems to be somewhat more impacted by arduousness.

What is the nature of America’s liberal inheritance? These days, prominent political thinkers—pro-liberals, anti-liberals, and postliberals alike—seem to agree, following Louis Hartz, that American liberalism is individualist, Enlightenment liberalism grounded in Lockean teachings. This is a mistake. We would do better to understand American political thought as defined not just by Enlightenment liberalism but also by Exodus liberalism, the latter of which has been expressed primarily (though not exclusively) in African American political thought. It is in the complex interplay between these two liberal traditions that we can better understand the nature of, and the possibilities for, American liberalism and American politics. This essay tells part of the story of how political scientists came to neglect Exodus liberalism, then envisions a more comprehensive approach to American political thought—a desegregated American political thought.

This study examines how unelected representation, where political activists make representative claims on behalf of self-articulated constituencies, shapes citizens’ feelings of representation. Through a cross-national conjoint experiment (Sweden, Germany, Italy, and Romania, N = 8279), we test three routes to representation: descriptive representation through demographic congruence, substantive representation through issue congruence, and psychological representation through personality-trait congruence and personality-ideology congruence. Results indicate that unelected representation makes people feel represented through these routes. Substantive representation has the strongest impact, followed by psychological representation and descriptive representation. We also find that contextual and individual factors influence how these routes operate. Ultimately, this paper presents a novel perspective on the effects of unelected representation, laying the groundwork for new empirical models of political representation that are firmly rooted in the conceptual innovations of constructivist theories. Unelected representation may have important implications for modern representative politics.

This article seeks both to reassess the dynamics of the Northern Irish civil rights movement during the mid to late 1960s, as well as to suggest a new understanding of the role of parliamentary forces in furthering the goals of social movements. During the 1960s, Northern Ireland underwent significant socio-political upheaval, centred on the rights of the region’s Catholic minority and their long-term concerns regarding democratic representation, unemployment and housing. The resulting civil rights movement sought to avoid the traditional ethno-nationalist fault lines of Ulster politics and appealed directly to the British government and people, bypassing the devolved Stormont parliament with its permanent Protestant-Unionist majority. While vital work has been done to analyse this important period, aspects of British-based activism for civil rights in Northern Ireland have not yet been fully scrutinised. One key British group was the Campaign for Democracy in Ulster (CDU). Primarily made up of backbench Labour MPs, the CDU pursued civil rights at Westminster by advocating for governmental inquiries and legislative reform to address Catholic grievances. Although highly energetic, the CDU faced deep constitutional barriers and the organisation’s efforts have generally been seen as unsuccessful. However, new archival work and a reappraisal of previous studies suggests a more nuanced view. The CDU had more influence than the organisation itself believed. This has implications not only for our understanding of the civil rights movement, but also for interpreting the actions of groups such as the CDU, described here as ‘Parliamentary Activists’, both historically and in the present day.

This article examines how the entry of commercial lenders (CLs) transforms microfinance markets, focusing on borrower outcomes and market-wide spillovers. Using detailed credit registry data, we show that increased competition improves loan terms for both graduating and staying borrowers, generating sustained benefits. Our setting also allows us to document what happens when entry fails and entrants retreat following a crisis. Despite increasing defaults, borrowers who graduate to banks experience long-term gains, particularly through lower borrowing costs. Our findings highlight the broader benefits and risks of fostering competition in microfinance, providing valuable insights for policymakers and financial inclusion initiatives.

In January 1939, Sir Hubert Wilkins became the first Australian to set foot on several islands and the mainland along the Ingrid Christensen Coast, Antarctica, leaving records reaffirming Australia’s claim to the area at three landing sites. Prior to 2022, only the third of these sites had been identified. Wilkins had indicated that the first of the landings, that of 8 January 1939, was in the Rauer Islands and the second, that of 9 January 1939, at the western end of Vestfold Hills. We prove that these attributions are incorrect. An integrated analysis of all reports on the expedition over the period 3–11 January 1939 and the contemporaneous imagery and film footage, along with modern photographs, establishes that the 8 January 1939 landing was on Skipsholmen, the northernmost island of the Svenner Group, and that Wilkins landed at Macey Peninsula on 9 January 1939. These two important heritage sites should now be visited to locate and record the relics left by Wilkins. This research raises the question of whether Wilkins’ landings and sovereignty actions in 1939 are of greater significance to Australia’s Territorial claim to the area than Mawson’s questionable sighting and naming of Princess Elizabeth Land in 1931.

A century and a half of paleoneurological study of synapsids has provided invaluable insight into the evolution of their brain, sense organs, behavior, and physiology. Here, we review and discuss the evidence for parental care, brooding, intraspecific combat, display, and gregariousness, and conclude that evidence for higher levels of social interactions and communication is piling up and may soon push the origin of sociality in the mammalian lineage to the middle Permian. We also review the paleoneurological cues (the trigeminal canals, parietal foramen, and inner ear) that support a new evolutionary hypothesis in which the homeogene MSX2 mutated early in the probainognathian cynodonts and changed their biology towards a more mammalian condition. This includes the loss of the parietal foramen, inflation of the cerebellar vermis, maintenance of a fur pelt, and appearance of mammary glands, some 247 million years ago. This was followed by the origin of the ability to whisk 241 million years ago, and that of endothermy 233 million years ago, as indicated by the evolution of the trigeminal and semicircular canals, respectively. Finally, we review the immense progress made in the study of encephalization and support that probainognathians went through a neurosensory revolution during the Triassic. Their newly acquired small body size, fur, and nocturnal lifestyle generated sensory input that affected the evolution of all their sensory organs, leading up to the development of the modern mammalian brain.