Malacostracan crustaceans are very diverse today, but their evolutionary history and biodiversity during the Paleozoic remain understudied. One clade within Malacostraca is Belotelsonidea, crustaceans with a shrimp-like body plan only known from the Carboniferous. We describe the fourth species of this group, Lobetelson feldmanni n. sp., from the Pennsylvanian (Kasimovian) of the Kinney Brick Quarry, New Mexico, USA. The holotype is a flattened, relatively complete specimen with an eye preserved. A second, less well-preserved specimen from the same locality might be referable to the new species. This record represents the youngest record of Belotelsonidea, now ranging from the upper Tournaisian to the Kasimovian, equivalent to ca. 40 Myr. Paleobiogeographically, belotelsonids are only known from Scotland and various parts of the USA thus far, located near the equator to ~20° south during the Carboniferous. Whereas most belotelsonids are thought to have lived in a marine environment, some of the oldest specimens from Scotland are interpreted to have inhabited areas with limited to no marine influence.

UUID: https://zoobank.org/6c52b87d-9259-4b19-85c7-71b425bb6187

In this work, we focus on stochastic modeling for sustainable systems and introduce the family of r-modified reliability systems. This new family generalizes classical reliability systems studied in the literature by considering the components in the system to exhibit a kind of dependence that relaxes the component operating requirements and provides energy and resource efficiency. From a theoretical viewpoint, such a dependence is modeled with the use of a modified binary sequence. We then derive the reliability of two members of the family, i.e., the r-modified-k-out-of-n:F system and the r-modified-consecutive-k-out-of-n:F system, under different assumptions on the component reliabilities by using a variety of approaches, including Markov chains, combinatorial methods, and simple probabilistic arguments. We finally give some examples of real-life systems wherein the developed models and results are applicable and present the corresponding numerical results.

Parachute science is the problematic and extractive practice of non-local researchers taking data, knowledge and information from communities of which they are not members, failing to engage the local community and local scientists, marginalizing them in most aspects of the research, and using the results to their own benefit. Perpetuated by colonialism and unequal access to resources such as funding, education and data, it is harmful to local scientists and undervalues the contributions of the community as a whole. Ultimately, it erodes trust within the scientific community and, more broadly, builds dependence on foreign researchers and makes science less global and collaborative. Increasing international and cross-cultural collaborations while being careful to avoid parachute science can help minimize these impacts. Here, we offer our perspectives on parachute science and suggestions on how to avoid it, based on our experiences conducting research internationally with diverse scientists and communities, including both academics and non-academics. Instead of a parachute, we suggest opening the scientific “umbrella” to incorporate diverse perspectives and local contributions in generating relevant and impactful scientific insight.

We theorize party attention to gender issues within the responsibility-versus-responsiveness framework, deriving and testing novel hypotheses in six Western Balkan countries (2012–2021) that aspire to European Union (EU) membership. We analyse gender-related responsibility in European Commission (EC) recommendations and examine party discourse to assess whether, how and to what extent parties and the EC align under conditions of supportive/opposing public opinion (responsiveness). Generally, attention to gender issues is low, especially on controversial topics like LGBTIQ+ rights (‘thick’ gender equality), compared to broadly accepted women’s rights (‘thin’ gender equality). Governing status influences attention to ‘thin’ gender issues, while ‘thick’ issues are highlighted mainly by green/alternative/libertarian (GAL) opposition parties. Our study advances knowledge of how public opinion, governing/opposition status and party ideology shape party attention to gender issues in aspiring EU members.

Two states can have several bilateral agreements between them, some of which are legally binding and others are not. Is there a discernible pattern to how states structure the chronological sequence of binding and non-binding agreements governing a specific issue area? For example, do states prioritise a framework treaty to establish the foundation of their cooperation and let bureaucrats iron out details in non-binding instruments? Or do they first experiment with low-commitment agreements before eventually settling on a more permanent treaty? This paper explores these questions using the example of space governance, which is characterised by a high number of bilateral agreements. Examining space agreements between 287 state dyads, it argues that a combination of power asymmetry and trust levels influences the likelihood of certain types of sequences of binding and non-binding agreements. These findings are particularly relevant to the literature on informal governance, regime complexes, and space politics.

Recent experimental research suggests that when women stand as political candidates, they often enjoy more support amongst voters than men. However, women remain under-represented in politics worldwide, and observational research suggests sexism is prevalent and consequential for voter behaviour. Here, we attempt to bridge these contradictory findings and offer observational evidence of approximately 26,000 voters and 5,346 candidates in Australia, Canada, Britain, and the USA. American voters are slightly more likely to vote for a woman than a man, but we find no evidence of gender preference in the other countries. Interestingly, although sexism is prevalent in all four countries, we find no evidence for an effect of voter sexism on support for women candidates. We do find evidence that abstention, at least in the USA, is an important electoral choice for sexist partisans faced with a woman co-partisan candidate.

I champion a deliberative right to constitutional silence. It entitles individuals to reflect upon the arguments and reasons in favour or against changing or re-interpreting constitutional content under proper conditions. After reflecting on the place of silence in intellectual history and its features and virtues, I define the right to constitutional silence. It has four components: salience, time, reflection and publicness. Next, I discuss its grounds. I argue that it is an institutional legal right that citizens have in a deliberative constitutional democracy. This entails that, while there is a moral case for the right to silence, I here circumscribe my argument to the province of legality and constitutionalism. I finish discussing matters of institutionalisation. I offer three suggestions: two proposals about content and one about procedure. First, the right to silence applies primarily to deliberations about ‘thin’ constitutional matters found in preambles and introductory sections of constitutions. Second, it warrants public intervention in matters of public discourse of constitutional import, to avoid private power from interfering with the people’s sphere of constitutional reflection. Third, I adapt a proposal made elsewhere and suggest that a non-decisional interpretive mini-public could be a place to implement the right to silence.

The shift to telework and hybrid arrangements has prompted organizations to reevaluate leadership competencies specific to remote environments. Therefore, we developed the Leadership Competencies for Telework (LCT) scale, designed for telework settings and addressing new challenges such as telework-life balance and virtual distance. The validation process included two studies: (1) Two content validity panels with 27 experts, and (2) validation of the 67-item scale through a survey of 543 Spanish teleworkers. Confirmatory factor analysis supported a five-factor structure: Digital Communication, Digital Trust-Building, Remote Goal Management, Remote Relationships Development, and Telework-Life Balance Support. The scale demonstrated high reliability (α < 0.90 for all factors) and validity, correlating with key outcomes such as job satisfaction, professional isolation, telework-life conflict, and organizational citizenship behaviors. The LCT scale provides organizations with a validated tool for assessing and developing effective telework leadership. Future research could validate the scale through longitudinal studies, exploring its predictive power over time.

Governments all over the world are struggling to control the spiralling costs of healthcare – the UK government is no exception. Its long-term strategy includes a much greater focus on prevention: to keep people as healthy and productive as possible for longer. This paper asks whether a greater focus on prevention is a possible lifeline for the National Health Service (NHS) as is often claimed, but it also examines other benefits to society. After considering various examples of prevention and the metrics used to measure their effectiveness, we use tobacco consumption as a case study to evaluate the costs to the public purse and to wider society. We give further examples, including obesity, but in less depth. We find that whilst there are significant benefits to public expenditure, including the NHS, in both cases, these are dwarfed by wider benefits to society both in terms of tangible economic benefits and improved well-being. We offer several suggestions for improving our understanding of the effectiveness of prevention policies in general and how the Actuarial profession can contribute to this debate.

Anningite-(Ce) ideally (Ca0.5Ce4+0.5)(VO4), was found within a phosphate coprolite from the sand-dominated sediments of the Gara Samani Formation, Algeria. As a tetragonal anhydrous vanadate, this mineral is classified in the xenotime group. It occurs in rock cavities and forms small (typically up to 100 μm in length) sheaf-like aggregates composed of crystals 30–40 μm in length and ∼7 μm in diameter. Anningite-(Ce) crystals are green with a vitreous lustre. No cleavage is observed and the fracture is uneven or conchoidal. Its empirical formula, calculated on the basis of 4 oxygen atoms, can be written as (Ca0.52Ce4+0.47Y3+0.01)Σ1.00[(VO4)0.88(PO4)0.05(SO4)0.06(SiO4)0.01]Σ1.00. The calculated density is 3.887 g/cm3. Anningite-(Ce) is tetragonal with space group I41/amd and unit-cell parameters a = 7.1500(4) Å, c = 6.3343(7) Å, and V = 323.82(5) Å3. Anningite-(Ce) is isostructural with wakefieldite-(Ce).

The recent wave of executive orders and other actions at the federal level has received a great deal of attention in recent months. Receiving relatively less attention, however, has been ongoing efforts at the state level over the past couple of years to exercise more control over higher education. The present brief reviews recent state legislation impacting higher education with a particular focus on the recently enacted Ohio Senate Bill 1, as an illustrative example. We suggest that these state legislative efforts pose a threat to academic freedom through attacks on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI), curricular control, tenure, and faculty unionization. We provide an overview of these state legislative efforts and implications for I-O psychologists, particularly those in academia.

This brief piece addresses the dispute sparked by Donald Trump’s executive order denying birthright citizenship to two classes of people traditionally included under the citizenship clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. A primary goal is to provide a historical perspective on arguments made by both sides that are too frequently neglected in media coverage of the dispute. The piece does not predict how SCOTUS might rule, but it does make a case for the nation’s responsibility to children who have violated no law. Through textual and historical analysis, it also refutes two law professors who propose an originalist interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment that supports Trump’s effort to deny birthright citizenship to children born to undocumented immigrants. Drawing on works of literature, this article hopes to clarify the consequences of the complicated legal issues involved, including the bigoted history of previous efforts to restrict birthright citizenship.

Employer attitudes towards maternity leave are often framed as a tension between opposition based on costs or ideal worker norms, versus normative or ethical support. How do employers combine and prioritise these justifications in practice? Drawing on interviews with thirty-seven British managers, this article develops a typology of employers – risk-averse, business-first, and value-driven – distinguishing the nature of support and underlying blends of economic, normative, and moral justifications. It shows how moral reasoning – often assumed to align only with a supportive stance – is also mobilised to justify exclusionary attitudes and even overt discrimination against maternity leave-takers. Further, against assumptions that shifting cultural norms and expanding rights foster greater employer support, discomfort with these changes can reinforce resistance. Relational dynamics also shape attitudes, with positive affective–personal ties between managers and staff prompting greater support. These findings offer a new lens on how family leave rights are interpreted in everyday managerial practice.