This review article points to a number of ways in which the study of political participation has followed separate tracks, hence preventing it from deploying its full potential. We argue that the field stands to benefit much from ‘bridging’ different approaches and insights, combining those from different disciplines or subdisciplines. We review works that try to build such bridges, with the aim of encouraging dialogue across the disciplinary boundaries between political science and political sociology, on the one hand, and sociology and social movement studies, on the other. We advocate that students of political participation take such ‘bridges’ seriously in their work and employ them as the basis for new dynamic theorization. We suggest five possible ways in which the study of political participation may combine different perspectives and research traditions. Three of them are theoretical: bridging rationalist, structuralist and culturalist theoretical approaches; bringing together cognitive (attitudes) and affective (emotions) explanations; and combining macro- and micro-level accounts. The fourth is methodological: bridging qualitative and quantitative methodological approaches. The fifth is substantive: bridging a focus on electoral (institutional) participation with one on non-electoral (non-institutional) participation.

The effects of abomasal infusion of corn starch and β-hydroxybutyrate (BHB) on hindgut microbial fermentation characteristics and end-products in early lactation dairy cows were determined via in vitro gas production (GP). Four substrates, either fibre or starch sources differing in expected rate of degradability (slow – cellulose and corn grain; rapid – beet pulp and pregelatinized corn flour), were incubated with faecal inoculum from cows abomasally infused with water only, 1.5 kg corn starch/d + 0.0 mol BHB/d, 3.0 kg corn starch/d + 0.0 mol BHB/d, 0.0 kg corn starch/d + 8.0 mol BHB/d, 1.5 kg corn starch/d + 8.0 mol BHB/d, or 3.0 kg corn starch/d + 8.0 mol BHB/d in a 6 × 6 Latin square design. In vitro GP was measured using an automated GP system with methane (CH4) measured at specific times. After 72 h, volatile fatty acids (VFA), pH, ammonia, and in vitro organic matter digestibility (IVOMD) of incubation fluid were determined. Infusion of BHB had limited effect on hindgut microbial fermentation. Infusion of 3.0 kg corn starch/d increased GP at 3 h of incubation for all substrates but resulted in lower total GP, CH4 production, pH, ammonia concentration, and IVOMD after 72 h, while increasing total VFA concentration and molar proportions of propionate and butyrate vs. 0.0 and 1.5 kg corn starch/d infusions. Among substrates, IVOMD of cellulose was most affected by 3.0 kg corn starch/d infusion. Results suggest that in vitro fermentative activity of hindgut microbes decreases when higher levels of starch enter the hindgut.

In the presence of a default option, the optimal search rule for an agent with a reference-dependent utility and a search cost predicts: (i) the default increases the reservation utility due to the reference effect, leading to a better choice, and (ii) those with higher reservation utility will self-select into search and are more likely to find a superior option. Our experiments document the presence of both effects. Those who reject the default are likely to find higher-ranked options in their active search, supporting the self-selection effect. Even when the self-selection channel is shut down, the reference effect remains.

Recent discussions among historians, jurists, and political scientists have increasingly centred on the effectiveness of the Laws of Armed Conflict in safeguarding legally protected groups such as civilians and prisoners of war. Central to this debate is the question of how a state’s public commitment to international law aligns with the actual conduct of its armed forces in combat zones. This article contributes to the discourse by examining the Boxer War in China (1900–1901), during which seven Western powers and Japan opposed an anti-foreign Chinese sect supported by military forces loyal to the Qing court. The analysis focuses on the legal stance of five key members of the anti-Boxer coalition—Germany, the United States, Great Britain, Russia, and Japan—and evaluates the conduct of their troops towards Chinese civilians and prisoners. Particular attention is given to Japan, offering insights into how the application of the international laws of war is shaped not only by the expectations of belligerents and their adversaries, as prominent scholars have suggested, but also by the dynamics among allies, including competition, as well as by each belligerent’s unique history and cultural context. This nuanced perspective highlights the interplay of legal commitments, alliance politics, and national identity in determining the behaviour of military forces during wartime.

In this paper I discuss the fundamental reorganisation of Swedish scientific publication in the 1960s and 1970s in terms of ‘internationalisation’ and, in particular, the elimination of periodicals, which was deemed necessary to achieve visibility in a crowded international landscape of publication. In this context, publication language was not so much a matter of choice on the part of individual scientists as a result of explicit policies implemented by government agencies. Investigating the shift towards English as a dominant publication language in Swedish science requires focusing on research councils and policymakers as crucial actors in this process. I discuss the history of the languages of science in the context of the history of scientific publication and the history of information management, specifically in the context of the ‘information explosion’ of the 1960s.

Despite the recognized importance of older adults ageing in their own homes, the role of public financing in mitigating unmet and under-met home care needs remains under-explored. This study addresses this gap by examining the impact of public financing on home care adequacy among English adults aged over 50, utilizing data from waves 6–9 (2013–2019) of the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing. Longitudinal fixed effects and pooled cross-sectional modelling are used to explore the impact of public financing of home care on the unmet and under-met needs of older people. Findings show that individuals with greater limitations in activities of daily living (ADLs) and instrumental activities of daily living (IADLs), as well as those experiencing cognitive decline, are more likely to receive home care. Importantly, while receipt of publicly financed care is associated with a reduction in unmet needs, it does not necessarily translate to fully met needs, resulting in under-met need and highlighting a crucial distinction between access to and adequacy of care. Comparatively, transitioning from use of publicly financed home care to exclusively informal care is linked with lower odds of reporting under-met needs, suggesting variance in the quality of care provided across funding types. This study not only enriches the existing literature by describing the specific impact of different home care financing mechanisms (publicly financed care versus other types of care) on the unmet and under-met needs of older adults but also underscores the need for policies that ensure care adequacy, not just accessibility.

This article develops the problem of divine domination. Classical theism describes God as essentially all-powerful, sovereign, personal, omnipresent, and a se. If such a being exists, then he dominates humans in virtue of his essential properties. Since dominative relationships are unjust, the divine-human relationship is unjust. I reject solutions to this problem that appeal to humanity’s childlikeness or divine goodness, justice, or greatness. I conclude by gesturing towards what a solution to the problem might require.

Selenodantopaite is a new mineral species discovered in a sample collected from the mine dumps of the abandoned Princ Evžen deposit near Potůčky, the Krušné hory Mts., Czech Republic. Selenodantopaite occurs as anhedral grains, up to 100 μm in size, in a quartz gangue with abundant coffinitized uraninite, chalcopyrite and pyrite; it is also associated with bohdanowiczite, unnamed selenide (Bi,Ag)3(Se,S,Te)4, minerals of the galena–clausthalite solid solution, sphalerite and tennantite-(Fe). Selenodantopaite is dark grey, with metallic lustre. Mohs hardness is ca. ∼3½, calculated density is 7.403 g.cm–3. In reflected light, selenodantopaite is white to light grey; bireflectance and pleochroism are weak, anisotropy is distinct with light bluish white – light purplish brown rotation tints. Internal reflections were not observed. Reflectance values for the four COM wavelengths of selenodantopaite in air [Rmax, Rmin (%) (λ in nm)] are: 48.3, 44.9 (470); 48.8, 45.3 (546); 48.4, 45.1 (589); and 47.7, 44.6 (650). The empirical formulae, based on electron-microprobe analyses, are Cu0.24(4)Ag5.09(7)Fe0.17(5)Pb0.51(4)Bi12.32(21)Se15.11(21)S6.89(21) and Cu0.05(3)Ag5.23(11)Fe0.06(4)Pb0.62(12)Bi12.38(13)Se14.77(16)S7.23(16) for Cu-bearing and Cu-poor variety, respectively. The ideal formula is Ag5Bi13Se22 (Z = 1), which requires (in wt.%) Ag 10.80, Bi 54.41, and Se 34.79, total 100.00. Selenodantopaite is monoclinic, C2/m, with unit-cell parameters a = 13.670(4), b = 4.1400(11), c = 19.282(6) Å, β = 106.385(11)° and V = 1046.9(5) Å3. According to the single-crystal X-ray diffraction data (R1 = 0.0625), the crystal structure of selenodantopaite is isotypic with that of dantopaite and it is composed by two kinds of slabs, parallel to (001), i.e. a PbS-like thick slab and a thin slab, following the classical structural scheme of pavonite homologues. Selenodantopaite is named in accord with its composition and its relationship with dantopaite. The mineral and its name have been approved by the Commission on New Minerals, Nomenclature and Classification of the International Mineralogical Association (2023-092)

The perinatal period has gained increasing attention from developmental psychopathologists; however, experiences during birth have been minimally examined using this framework. The current study aimed to evaluate longitudinal associations between childhood maltreatment, negative birth experiences, and postpartum mental health across levels of self-reported emotion dysregulation and respiratory sinus arrhythmia (RSA). Expectant mothers (N = 223) participated in a longitudinal study from the third trimester of pregnancy to 7 months postpartum. Participants contributed prenatal resting RSA and completed questionnaires prenatally, 24 hours after birth, and 7 months postpartum. Results indicated that more childhood maltreatment was associated with higher birth fear and postpartum anxiety and depressive symptoms. Resting RSA moderated the association between childhood maltreatment and birth fear, such that more childhood maltreatment and higher resting RSA were associated with increased birth fear. Additionally, self-reported prenatal emotion dysregulation moderated the association between childhood maltreatment and postpartum depressive symptoms, such that more childhood maltreatment and higher emotion dysregulation were associated with increased depressive symptoms. Emotion dysregulation across multiple levels may amplify vulnerability to negative birth experiences and postpartum psychopathology among individuals with childhood maltreatment histories. Thus, emotion dysregulation in the context of trauma-informed care may be worthwhile intervention targets during the perinatal period.

This article connects infrastructural violence to environmental injustice in the South Durban Basin, the industrial hub of the Durban metropolis in South Africa, where escalating ecological difficulties have negatively impacted living standards. The combination of the racially insensitive apartheid regime in South Africa and the harmful effects of toxicity requires a decolonial repair perspective founded on egalitarian dialogue and the inclusion of affected viewpoints and participation. In advocating for this repair framework, this article calls for horizontal discussions that thoroughly examine these issues, which can subsequently facilitate equitable environmental policies, regulations, and laws.

This article argues that, as they are currently designed, UN climate talks fail to address the environmental catastrophe they aim to address. While dialogue is the primary means through which the world’s population can get together, discuss the scope and nature of the problem, and put appropriate measures into action, these talks are, year after year, employed as a way to create the illusion that democratic decision-making occurs. As a result, these kinds of events can only succeed in entrenching positions, exacerbating the impasse at which we currently find ourselves. This, in turn, solidifies the notion that we indeed need to engage in a dialogue about climate change, thus perpetuating a never-ending cycle that protects, under the veneer of planetary engagement, the continuation of capitalist business as usual. The article, therefore, proposes that a dialogic path to finding a solution to the climate catastrophe can only be successful if climate talks are rethought, placing at the helm voices from the most affected populations in the Global South. Otherwise, these talks will continue to fail in making a significant change that ensures the possibility of an environmentally just and viable future for the planet.

The Alpha, Delta, and Omicron variants of the SARS-CoV-2 virus have been deemed as variants of concern (VOCs) by the WHO due to their increased transmissibility, severity of illness, and resilience against treatments. Geographically tracking the spread of these variants can help us implement effective control measures. RNA from 8,154 SARS-CoV-2 positive nasal swab samples from a Central Texas hospital collected between March 2020 and April 2023 were sequenced in Temple, TX. Global and U.S. sequencing metadata was obtained from the GISAID database on 3 April 2023. Using sequencing metadata, the growth rate of Alpha, Delta, and the first subvariant of Omicron (BA.1) were obtained as 0.27, 0.3, and 1.08 each. The average time in days to penetrate the US for Alpha, Delta, and Omicron were 269.2, 326.2, and 27.3 days, respectively. Viral sequencing data can be a useful tool to examine the spread of viruses. Each emerging SARS-CoV-2 variant penetrated cities more rapidly as the pandemic progressed. With a high logarithmic growth rate, the Omicron variant penetrated the US more rapidly as the pandemic progressed.

We use a graph to define a new stability condition for algebraic moduli spaces of rational curves. We characterise when the tropical compactification of the moduli space agrees with the theory of geometric tropicalisation. The characterisation statement occurs only when the graph is complete multipartite.

The article highlights the role of partisan ethnography in studying the chains of co-optation of grassroots environmental activism in ecologically and politically sensitive contexts. In Thailand, such chains are often undergoing the process of institutionalization of eco-Buddhist approaches to nature conservation, also concurring with the detachment of grassroots socio-environmental activism from the recent, urban based pro-democracy uprisings. The discussion will focus on the recent history of the eco-politics related to natural resources conservation in the Nan River Basin (Northern Thailand). It will describe how, since the 1980s, eco-Buddhist NGOs, Royal think tanks, international cooperation organizations, and corporate C.S.E.R. programs, which comply with the latter agencies, have systematically tended to manipulate pioneer, grassroots eco-political imagination and the organisational know-how of local environmental activists. These powerful institutional actors demonstrated interest in the Buddhist moralization of local ecological beliefs and praxis as a strategy to afford privileges of access to land, water, and forest resources through forms of internal “green grabbing”. At stake here is the fact that, beyond the grabbing of Thai river basins’ contested landscapes, activists’ radical imaginations and alter-political practices – an intangible component of such landscapes - are subject to a form of intellectual and political grabbing. The anthropological enterprise and the ethnographic encounter, conceived as partisan collaboration, nevertheless show that forms of patient resistance to such structural dynamics of co-optation might also express an unexpected source for the creative rearticulation of dissent and alter-political imaginations.

Hegel’s commentators often attribute to his system some form of apriorism, the view that the system’s content or its justification (or both) are independent of experience and empirical science. In this article, I argue that apriorism conflicts with Hegel’s commitment to cooperation between philosophy and empirical science, as outlined in §§1–18 of the 1830 Encyclopaedia. I do so by attributing two theses to Hegel: scientific cooperation—that knowledge arises through a process of conceptual transformation, involving an intellectual division of labour between philosophy and empirical science; and incompatibility—that scientific cooperation entails a feedback loop between philosophy and empirical science, rendering the concepts of Hegel’s system intrinsically empirically revisable, and so not a priori. Although these two theses hold across all the philosophical sciences, I focus on their application in logic, as it is in logic where apriorist interpretations appear the most justified. Reimagining a scientifically cooperative Hegel not only supports naturalist readings of his system but also reframes the task of philosophical critique. Critique, on the scientific-cooperative reading I propose, aims to exposit the insights, discoveries and theories of the empirical sciences, furthering their ends by ameliorating their conceptual apparatus, not to debunk them.

Plant-based diets (PBD) have been found to be environmentally sustainable and beneficial for health. Observational research showed that higher plant-based diet quality improves health-related quality of life (HRQoL) in adult women, however this is unclear for older adults. This association may be due to anti-inflammatory properties of PBD. Older adults, prone to chronic inflammation, may therefore profit from PBD. We investigated the relation between PBD and HRQoL in older adults of both sexes and tested whether the effects are associated with circulating high-sensitivity C-reactive protein (hsCRP) levels. We used data of the population-based Lifelines Cohort Study (n = 6,635, mean age = 65.2 years) and a subsample in which hsCRP was measured (n = 2,251, mean age = 65.2 years). We applied a plant-based diet index measuring adherence to a healthful (hPDI) and an unhealthful (uPDI) plant-based diet based on food frequency questionnaires. The RAND-36 questionnaire was applied as measure of HRQoL, from which we derived physical and mental HRQoL. Older adults with the highest adherence to a hPDI had respectively 15% and 12% greater odds for high physical quality of life and mental quality of life. Meanwhile, higher adherence to uPDI was associated with respectively 16% and 13% lower odds for high physical and mental quality of life. An additive but no interactive effect of hsCRP on the association between PBD and HRQoL has been observed. Adherence to a healthful plant-based diet and circulating levels of inflammation are independently associated with physical and mental HRQoL. Mechanisms other than inflammation through which PBD could influence HRQoL may be explored in further research.

This essay uses the history of Cossitt Library—from its founding in 1893 to its renovation and reopening in 2023—to explore how the Southern public library has faced, and continues to face, unique opportunities and challenges for public humanities projects. As a scholar-in-residence at Cossitt from 2020 to 2022, I worked alongside the branch manager, staff librarians, community outreach specialists, local arts organizations, and special collections managers to document the history of Cossitt’s role in the city’s civic life and to create policies and programming that encouraged many different constituencies to see the space as their own. It offers an example of where the qualitative research skills of a humanities scholar can impact both large-scale and targeted public humanities projects.

Ethno-religious nationalism has been an integral part of the Georgian identity since the country regained independence. Since the early 2000s, Georgia has had a constitutionally enshrined pro-European foreign policy, which has been reflected in a strong identification with Europe, its culture, and values. Survey data show that Georgians prefer European and Christian ethnic outgroups to Asian and Muslim ones. These factors could have explained the rise of the far right in Georgia, had Georgia experienced a wave of refugees comparable to EU states in mid-2010s. However, only few people fled from the Syrian civil war to Georgia. Nevertheless, in and around 2016, various far-right groups with a strong anti-liberal ideology appeared in the Georgian public sphere. In 2017, a far-right rally was organized, demanding that the rights of Turkish, Iranian, and Arab business owners and citizens be restricted in Georgia. This was accompanied by violent incidents involving physical abuse and property damage of non-white foreigners. The sudden rise of the far-right political organizations in Georgia gives rise to various questions: Do the far-right ideas have grassroots origins, or was the activation of the far right a top-down process? Which domestic and external factors could have contributed to these developments?

This overview discusses the inverse scattering theory for the Kadomtsev–Petviashvili II equation, focusing on the inverse problem for perturbed multi-line solitons. Despite the introduction of new techniques to handle singularities, the theory remains consistent across various backgrounds, including the vacuum, 1-line and multi-line solitons.

Do citizens prefer national policies that are designed collaboratively over those produced by national government alone? The question is relevant, especially in Latin America, where citizens are sceptical of government’s capacity to address complex problems. In this article, we hypothesize that collaboratively crafted policies will be preferred over those produced by government alone in Argentina and Chile. We design conjoint experiments that ask respondents to choose among three pairs of policies, each of which varies randomly in terms of whether and with whom the government collaborates. We find that citizens in both countries tend to prefer collaboratively produced policies. This is especially the case when citizens have higher levels of trust in the actors with whom the national government collaborates. One important insight of our study is that, despite the costs of collaborative approaches to policymaking, citizen preferences for it could incentivize national governments to invest more resources in collaborative governance.