Tetflupyrolimet is a novel herbicide that inhibits dihydroorotate dehydrogenase (DHODH), interfering with de novo pyrimidine biosynthesis in susceptible plants. While tetflupyrolimet efficacy for preemergence grassy weed control in rice (Oryza sativa L.) and managed turfgrass systems has been explored, there is minimal information regarding effects that edaphic factors may have on activity, particularly those pertaining to soil hydraulics. Dose–response experiments revealed 6- to 8-fold differences in tetflupyrolimet activity on annual bluegrass (Poa annua L.) due to soil texture, with higher activity reported following applications to sand compared with clay loam. Higher tetflupyrolimet activity in sand could be related to matric potential, as activity following applications to plants growing in sand exceeded that observed on clay loam across a wide range of volumetric water contents (15% to 60%). Once volumetric water content increased to ≥ 80%, no differences in tetflupyrolimet activity were detected between soils, suggesting that post-application irrigation could mitigate potential reductions in efficacy on finer-textured soils when moisture is limited. These findings underscore that soil texture and, consequently, moisture retention affect tetflupyrolimet activity to the extent that application rates could vary based on soil texture in turfgrass systems. Further research exploring a broader range of soil types and field conditions is warranted to refine tetflupyrolimet rate recommendations based on soil type.

How do secular and religious national role conceptions (NRCs) influence interstate rivalry? To explore this, we examine the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia, two theocratic states. Drawing on scholarship that integrates power politics and religion, we examine how instrumental motivations shape religion-based policymaking. Using semantic network and regression analyses on data from eight official Twitter/X accounts of Iranian and Saudi foreign policy officials (2015–2021), we find that both states’ officials strategically use secular and religious NRCs in response to foreign policy roles adopted by their rival. Our findings underscore the coexistence of these NRCs and their selective application in managing rivalry. Methodologically, the study contributes to foreign policy analysis research by employing quantitative semantic analysis of social media data. It also offers a novel lens for understanding Iran-Saudi competition and the broader intersection of religion and foreign policy.

Let Fn be the free group on $n \geq 2$ generators. We show that for all $1 \leq m \leq 2n-3$ (respectively, for all $1 \leq m \leq 2n-4$), there exists a subgroup of ${\operatorname{Aut}(F_n)}$ (respectively, ${\operatorname{Out}(F_n)}$), which has finiteness of type Fm but not of type $FP_{m+1}(\mathbb{Q})$; hence, it is not m-coherent. In both cases, the new result is the upper bound $m= 2n-3$ (respectively, $m = 2n-4$), as it cannot be obtained by embedding direct products of free noncyclic groups, and certifies higher incoherence up to the virtual cohomological dimension and is therefore sharp. As a tool of the proof, we discuss the existence and nature of multiple inequivalent extensions of a suitable finite-index subgroup K4 of ${\operatorname{Aut}(F_2)}$ (isomorphic to the quotient of the pure braid group on four strands by its centre): the fibre of four of these extensions arise from the strand-forgetting maps on the braid groups, while a fifth is related with the Cardano–Ferrari epimorphism.

Anarchist, Black Liberation Army member, and “Gender Rebel” Kuwasi Balagoon spent a lifetime performing a practice of resistance and autonomy—“freedom as a habit”—given kinetic, embodied form in his Exercise Book. Kuwasi Balagoon’s writings, as well as recollections from friends and comrades, are placed in dialog with James Boggs’s writings on automation to explore the tensions and frictions in the encounter between automation as a social formation and the insistent enactment of freedom as habit.

Equality law has developed into a mature and sophisticated field of law across jurisdictions. At the same time, inequality too has bourgeoned. This Article explores this paradox. It argues that the widening gulf between equality law and persisting inequalities can be addressed through a ‘structural turn’ in equality law. The structural turn is imagined in contrast with the liberal view which sees the harm of inequality/discrimination as something inflicted by and against individuals or collectivities through specific acts or omissions. The structural view places individual victims and perpetrators within the broader dimensions of the social, economic, legal, political, psychic and cultural contexts in which they exist and the power relations within them. The way these dimensions interact with each other and against the relationships of power within them, reveals how structural harm is occasioned. This Article argues that structural harm need not only be treated as a product of structures, including a structure such as equality law, but as the target of equality law which is open to not only enacting structural harm but also structural change.

The notion of strong 1-boundedness for finite von Neumann algebras was introduced in [Jun07b]. This framework provided a free probabilistic approach to study rigidity properties and classification of finite von Neumann algebras. In this paper, we prove that tracial von Neumann algebras with a finite Kazhdan set are strongly 1-bounded. This includes all property (T) von Neumann algebras with finite-dimensional center and group von Neumann algebras of property (T) groups. This result generalizes all the previous results in this direction due to Voiculescu, Ge, Ge-Shen, Connes-Shlyakhtenko, Jung-Shlyakhtenko, Jung and Shlyakhtenko. Our proofs are based on analysis of covering estimates of microstate spaces using an iteration technique in the spirit of Jung.