In Türkiye Halk Bankasi A.S. v. United States, the Supreme Court held that the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA) does not apply to criminal prosecutions of foreign state instrumentalities. The Court found that FSIA’s text and structure address only civil actions. On remand, the Second Circuit ruled that Halkbank lacked common-law immunity from criminal prosecution, deferring to the Executive Branch’s decision to prosecute and concluding that state-owned corporations enjoy no immunity for commercial activity under common law. The court’s analysis relied primarily on pre-1976 U.S. cases rather than international law. The Supreme Court denied certiorari in October 2025, ending the immunity dispute.

This article explores the connection between musico-poetic circulation and the ways in which conflicts are recounted and collectively given meaning in Ethiopia’s Amhara region. It highlights the key role mobile phones have come to play in social life. It contributes to current debates on how new information and communication technologies affect social relations, open up new communicative spaces or build on pre-existing modes of exchange. I focus on the possibilities that phones offer for producing, playing, exchanging and storing audio and video recordings of sung poetry. By revisiting the concept of ‘mediatized orality’, I analyse the relationships formed with and around these files, and trace their trajectories in two directions: spatially, connecting local affairs to national issues; and temporally, bridging past and present. I argue that this ‘regime of circulation’, which weaves the many voices of remembering into poetic circulation, is a practice of representing conflicts and fashioning the past – one that predates the arrival of new technologies, as evidenced by the Ethiopian historiographical tradition. What people do with phones and the files they carry draws on this tradition. It also transforms it, opening up ways of appropriating issues surrounding ethnicity, nation and history.

How does racism structure the patterns of cooperation and contestation in international relations? We propose a theory of institutional racism in international relations, examining how international organizations perpetuate racial disparities despite their nominally race-neutral principles. Based on our original data, language in the founding charters of international organizations has shifted from open expressions of racism to the espousal of antiracism. However, membership patterns suggest a persistent bias in favor of white-majority countries: (1) such countries remain overrepresented as inception members of newly formed organizations, and (2) even after accounting for a variety of potential confounders, organizations that overrepresent white-majority countries tend to disproportionately draw new members from other white-majority countries. International organizations that explicitly profess antiracist principles, such as the International Criminal Court, exhibit similar bias. The findings suggest that understanding the structure and biases of the international order requires careful attention to the role of race.

Despite two hundred years of interethnic coupling and domestic migration into the Betsiboka valley in north-western Madagascar, Sakalava are still considered the autochthonous ‘masters of the land’ (tompontany). Some migrant families whose ancestors from the central highlands settled in the valley broke custom by burying kin in new tombs near their residence rather than returning them to ancestral tombs upcountry, in their purported place of origin. In so doing, these settlers disembedded themselves from the social and financial expectations of distant kin in the highlands. While new tombs reinforced their claims of belonging in the valley, neighbours understood these families’ actions as paradoxically signifying lowly social status and possibly enslaved origins. These migrants doubled down on their outsider ethnic identity rather than attempting to incorporate themselves into host communities. Ritual and kinship techniques such as new tomb construction and heterosexual marital alliances with Sakalava women allowed this allochthonous community to master the land and the cash crops that it produced. These migrant families reversed the well-established model of ‘autochthonization through incorporation’ commonly described in scholarship on African agrarian societies by refusing to become absorbed into the first-comer Sakalava communities. In gaining symbolic and political ascendancy over the Sakalava, these migrants achieved allochthonous dominance and challenged prevailing assumptions about the directionality of assimilation and belonging.

This article examines the circulation, recording, preservation and archiving of music during the Eritrean liberation struggle from the 1970s to the 1990s, with a focus on the role of diaspora community support. It argues that the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) strategically leveraged music to foster a sense of national identity and unity, recognizing its powerful role in mobilizing support and galvanizing the Eritrean populace. Despite the challenges posed by war, the EPLF made significant efforts to record and archive music, understanding its importance for cultural preservation and morale. Post-independence, these efforts were continued through a digitization project, ensuring that the themes of national unity cultivated during the struggle persisted into the contemporary era. This article highlights the innovative strategies employed by the EPLF to utilize music as a tool for political and social cohesion, and the enduring impact of these efforts on Eritrean national identity. The preservation and digitization of liberation-era music not only safeguard a crucial aspect of Eritrea’s cultural history but also underscore the vital role of music in the broader narrative of the nation’s fight for independence and its ongoing journey towards unity and self-determination.