Museums are often considered to be spaces of the authentic, where the real, unique and original is exhibited, and where the accurate past is conveyed. By means of two watercraft, Nydam Boat and Kon-Tiki, it is illustrated how their materiality and authenticity are shaped by processes of musealization, reconstruction, restoration and ways of narrating the past and staging exhibits. While their substances remain present and perceptible, they are also subjected to material changes and changing perceptions over time. From a cultural constructivist perspective, it is illustrated how museum exhibits may be perceived as authentic and how this is related to their materials.

We prove that every genuinely partially hyperbolic $\mathbb {Z}^r$-action by toral automorphisms can be perturbed in $C^1$-topology, so that the resulting action is continuously conjugate, but not $C^1$-conjugate, to the original one.

For a proper, Gromov-hyperbolic metric space and a discrete, non-elementary, group of isometries, we define a natural subset of the limit set at infinity of the group called the ergodic limit set. The name is motivated by the fact that every ergodic measure which is invariant for the geodesic flow on the quotient metric space is concentrated on geodesics with endpoints belonging to the ergodic limit set. We refine the classical Bishop–Jones theorem proving that the packing dimension of the ergodic limit set coincides with the critical exponent of the group.

Although there is evidence that social status has a genetic basis, it is less known whether the genetic predisposition differs between men and women as well as among different status indicators and whether there are any intercorrelations among predispositions of status indicators. We therefore investigated the genetic predisposition for different indicators of social status separately for men and women, using polygenic scores obtained from the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study. We used multivariate polygenic regression of 7 different social status indicators on a total of 24 different polygenic scores. We find that in both men and women, wages and education show more associations with polygenic scores than the other status indicators. Also, the genetic predispositions for education and wages are correlated in both men and women, whereas in men more than in women, the genetic predispositions seem to cluster into wages and education on the one hand, and status indicators of position in the hierarchy, on the other hand, with being in a management position somewhere in between. These findings are consistent with an assumption of two different forms of selection pressure associated with either cognitive skill or dominance, which holds true particularly in men. We conclude that the genetic predisposition to higher social status may have changed even though the importance of the cultural trait of social status may have been very constant. Social status may thus be an example of a social trait of constant importance, but with a changing genetic predisposition.

The definition of subshifts of finite symbolic rank is motivated by the finite rank measure-preserving transformations which have been extensively studied in ergodic theory. In this paper, we study subshifts of finite symbolic rank as essentially minimal Cantor systems. We show that minimal subshifts of finite symbolic rank have finite topological rank, and conversely, every minimal Cantor system of finite topological rank is either an odometer or conjugate to a minimal subshift of finite symbolic rank. We characterize the class of all minimal Cantor systems conjugate to a rank-$1$ subshift and show that it is dense but not generic in the Polish space of all minimal Cantor systems. Within some different Polish coding spaces of subshifts, we also show that the rank-1 subshifts are dense but not generic. Finally, we study topological factors of minimal subshifts of finite symbolic rank. We show that every infinite odometer and every irrational rotation is the maximal equicontinuous factor of a minimal subshift of symbolic rank $2$, and that a subshift factor of a minimal subshift of finite symbolic rank has finite symbolic rank.

In this article, I reconceptualise the League of Nations as an Imperial Assemblage that embeds and is embedded by coloniality. Relying on the return to the League’s historisisation by Third World Approaches to International Law, I argue that we can understand the League as a governance body that works across scales of international, transnational and local actors, processes and structures to reiterate coloniality within the mandated territories. I utilise Deleuzian notions of assemblage alongside the concept of ‘coloniality’ within the literature of decolonial theory within International Relations and Sociology to show how the work of the League’s various actors, processes and structures across different scales made, actualised and evolved the laws on Forced Labour and Slavery from 1925 to 1932 in the inter-war era with a particular focus on Mandate Territories B and C.

This article explores the links between anti-Catholicism in the United Kingdom and the acceleration of settler colonialism in British North America, and it does so by considering two group migrations from Catholic districts in the North West Highlands and Islands of Scotland. Occurring over 30 years apart, the Glenaladale settlement (1772) in Prince Edward Island and the Glengarry settlement (1803) in Upper Canada offer instructive insight into how anti-Catholicism activated Highland Catholic colonial agency. Not only did significant numbers of Highland Catholics choose to quit Scotland forever, but their settlement in places like Prince Edward Island and Upper Canada accelerated the process of settler colonialism and the establishment of the Catholic Church. The colonies at Glengarry and Glenaladale were peopled by settlers who were doubly motivated to settle in the empire. They stood to prosper economically—certainly—and they also stood to gain the freedom to practice their faith free of obvious interference. To the Indigenous peoples whose ancestral lands they settled, the consequences were not softened by this pretext for settler colonization, and too often the history of anti-Catholic discrimination in the four nations elide the fact that Catholics were enthusiastic colonizers elsewhere, and that the two processes were often related.