A blastomere containing more than one nucleus is defined as a multinucleated blastomere. In our study, we aimed to investigate the relationship between serum anti-Mullerian hormone (AMH) levels and multinucleated (MLN) embryos, one of the parameters indicating embryo quality, in intracytoplasmic sperm injection (ICSI) cycles. The results of 888 ICSI cycles of patients aged 19–45 years attending an ART (assisted reproductive technology) clinic were retrospectively analysed. Cycles with at least one MLN embryo were defined as the study group (n = 237) and cycles without MLN embryos as the control group (n = 651). Univariate and multivariate logistic regression analyses were used to determine the risk factors affecting the dependent qualitative variables. The effect of AMH levels on multinucleation was found to be a significant risk factor (p < 0.001). One unit increase in AMH levels increases the risk of the presence of MLN embryos by 1.12 times. The mean MLN embryos/total embryo ratio in the group with clinical pregnancy was 0.34 ± 0.18, while the mean MLN embryos/total embryo ratio in the group that did not achieve clinical pregnancy was 0.47 ± 0.3 (p = 0.010). The presence of an MLN embryo has been associated with poor embryo development and ART outcomes. Parameters that can predict the formation of MLN embryos before treatment are crucial for the determination of the pregnancy rate. According to our results, serum AMH levels can be used as a predictive marker for the formation of MLN embryos.

The range of putatively medical animal practices varies widely both functionally and mechanistically. In this article, we argue that the definitions of medicine available in the empirical literature are inadequate for distinguishing genuinely medical practices from other adaptive behaviors. We aim to improve this conceptual landscape by proposing a definition that incorporates both cognitive and functional requirements, enabling finer-grained distinctions across species and behaviors. We apply our definition to the evidence and determine which animal behaviors show a mere difference of degree with paradigmatic medical practices—and should be seen as medicine—and which should be excluded from this nomenclature.

In 1893, the British explorer Frederick George Jackson travelled in the north of the Russian Empire, where he learned lessons—particularly in the areas of diet, transport, and clothing—from the Nenets and Sami people. I argue that his travels in this area influenced both his subsequent Jackson-Harmsworth Expedition (1894–97) and British Antarctic expeditions in the early 20th century, including those led by Robert F. Scott and Ernest H. Shackleton

Studying Jackson’s travels and writings can advance discussions about the role of Indigenous knowledge in British Polar exploration in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

Based on a new reading of both published and archival materials, the paper also charts some forms of knowledge that Jackson struggled to appropriate—particularly the use of reindeer for transport. In examining his failures, I argue that attempts to write Indigenous contributions into the history of exploration must focus on explorers’ failures as well as their successes—and on forms of Indigenous knowledge that proved difficult to use in other contexts.

Theories of ecological function often appeal to the liberality criterion to evaluate a theory’s adequacy. The liberality criterion requires that a functional description successfully differentiates between functions and nonfunctions. A functional description is considered inadequate if it is excessively liberal or excessively restrictive. I criticize the deference that is shown to the liberality criterion. I present a hypothetical case to illustrate how the application of the liberality criterion needlessly problematizes the four general theories of ecological function. Instead, a theory’s functional description should be considered adequate as long as it produces a better understanding of the complex phenomenon under study.

This article contributes to the understanding of the scales of global capitalism by addressing labour relations from a historical perspective. Firstly, it suggests that the problem of the deadly cost of the expansion and shifting of commodity frontiers can be resolved only with an approach that scrutinizes humans’ consumption habits and lifestyles. Secondly, it proposes to explore the making of commodity frontiers through the respective sites of immobilization as well as workers’ means of escaping such immobilization. Thirdly, it explores the nexus of health, food, and labour by considering the agricultural production of commodities as toxic frontiers against which workers’ unions have historically organized to protect their safety. Finally, it sheds light on the ways in which the global scale of capitalism has met the micro scale of particles owing to the toxicity of twenty-first-century commodity frontiers.

This article presents a multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) of collective remembering of the American War in Vietnam, also known as the Vietnam War, as embodied in forty-nine photographs taken during the war and published in the digital edition of The New York Times on the Vietnam War’s forty-second anniversary commemoration. Collective memory and commemoration are understood as political and discursive practices that make up a site of contestation (Milani & Richardson 2022). This research attempts to unveil The New York Times’ semiotic control in presenting and recontextualizing a historical narrative of the Vietnam War to sustain a necropolitical architecture in the making of collective memory. Three major themes emerging from the data—dehumanized death, gendered death, and paternalized death—are discussed in the context of what we call necropolitical discourse of collective remembering of the Vietnam War. (Necropolitical discourse, Vietnam War, CMDA, collective remembering, lieu de dispute)

We present an extremely rare case of anomalous single coronary artery from the pulmonary artery in a 2-month-old infant with severe heart failure. Due to the unique coronary anatomy, a modified venous arterial extracorporeal membrane oxygenation technique was employed to maintain coronary perfusion and prevent coronary steal. Following surgical reimplantation, the patient showed significant recovery and remains stable at 2-year follow-up.

Focusing on the Šamac–Sarajevo railway project, this article examines how Yugoslavia’s Youth Labour Actions (Omladinska radna akcija; ORAs) served as incipient attempts by the Yugoslav state to develop its cultural diplomacy. Adopting a bottom-up perspective, it explores British volunteers’ participation in Yugoslavia’s post-war reconstruction, situating their mobilisation within broader contexts of international reconstruction, idealism and solidarity. Targeting enthusiastic leftist youth, the Yugoslav government strategically employed the ORAs to promote its image in Britain, turning an economic development project into a vehicle for cultural branding. This article argues that Yugoslavia’s attempt to promote its image through the inclusion of British youth was only partially successful. Despite the seemingly idealistic narratives offered by the brigadists, practical challenges and contradictions remained. It examines the complexities of the British youth brigades’ experiences and how their intended propagandistic role was met with scepticism in Britain.

Through the paradigmatic case of post-revolutionary Iran, this article argues critiques of power-laden human rights politics epitomised by Makau Mutua’s 2001 ‘Savages, Victims, and Saviors Metaphor of Human Rights’ when combined with states’ anti-imperialist victim branding, and uncritical anti-imperialist solidarities give rise to a reactionary politics I call the ‘Reverse Savages, Victims, Saviours metaphor of human rights’. Here, anti-imperialist-branding states and their constructions of culture are recast as victims, and the state is treated as synonymous with the population it rules. Western imperialism, the human rights corpus, and those deploying human rights conceived of as extensions of Western imperialism are recast as the savages. Finally, leftist thinkers, anti-imperialist thought, and the resisting victim state and its constructions of Indigenous culture become the saviors. This politics eclipses local populations’ agency and lived experiences by (1) diminishing the moral weight of both the state’s transgressions and the human rights paradigm, (2) interrupting a sustained focus on the anti-imperialist-branding state’s acts of subjugation, (3) defining non-Western populations through essentialist notions of their culture as traditional saviourism does (but valorising rather than vilifying it), and (4) adhering to notions of moral complexity which deny or obscure the elements of moral clarity encompassed.

Positive health outcomes are realized when individuals receive interprofessional care, which also includes collaboration with family and care providers. We used social network analysis to explore interprofessional care networks and experiences of independent, community-dwelling older adults and how they perceive collaboration between different medical and non-medical network members. Twenty-three participants were interviewed and asked to name individuals contributing to their health and well-being (network of care) and position them in a concentric circle to reflect the relative strength of relationships. The average network size was 11. Closest relationships were with spouses, children, and family physicians. Relationship strength with network members was marked by frequency, accessibility, longevity, and impact of interactions. Participants were ardent self-advocates for their care, but reported few apparent episodes of collaboration between network members. Our study highlights that coordinated and collaborative care for independent community-dwelling older adults is lacking and does not routinely engage non-medical network members.

Recent executive orders (EOs) issued by the federal government, including EO 14148, EO 14151, EO 14168, and EO 14173, have significantly altered policies related to diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility (DEIA) in research and graduate training within industrial-organizational (I-O) psychology. These orders reverse longstanding federal commitments to DEIA initiatives, modifying research funding criteria, restructuring legal protections, and eliminating diversity-driven hiring mandates. This policy shift introduces substantial challenges for I-O psychology, particularly in securing funding for DEIA-related research, maintaining inclusive graduate training programs, and fostering diverse representation in academia and the workforce. To assess the impact of these policies, I examine the historical context of DEIA policies before these executive actions, outline key modifications introduced by the new EOs, and assess their potential implications for research, graduate education, and workforce development in I-O psychology. These policy changes may constrain academic freedom, reduce opportunities for underrepresented scholars, and disrupt progress in workplace diversity research, ultimately reshaping the field’s capacity to contribute to evidence-based DEIA initiatives.