There is a dearth of data on Se status in very old adults. The aims of this study were to assess Se status and its determinants in 85-year-olds living in the Northeast of England by measuring serum Se and selenoprotein P (SELENOP) concentrations and glutathione peroxidase 3 (GPx3) activity. A secondary aim was to examine the interrelationships between each of the biomarkers. In total, 757 participants (463 women, 293 men) from the Newcastle 85+ Study were included. Biomarker concentrations were compared with selected cut-offs (serum Se: suboptimal 70 µg/l and deficient 45 µg/l; SELENOP: suboptimal 4·5 mg/l and deficient 2·6 mg/l). Determinants were assessed using linear regressions, and interrelationships were assessed using restricted cubic splines. Median (inter-quartile range) concentrations of serum Se, SELENOP and of GPx3 activity were 53·6 (23·6) µg/l, 2·9 (1·9) mg/l and 142·1 (50·7) U/l, respectively. Eighty-two percentage and 83 % of participants had suboptimal serum Se (< 70 µg/l) and SELENOP (< 4·5 mg/l), and 31 % and 40 % of participants had deficient serum Se (< 45 µg/l) and SELENOP (< 2·6 mg/l), respectively. Protein intake was a significant determinant of Se status. Additional determinants of serum Se were sex, waist:hip ratio, self-rated health and disease, while sex, BMI and physical activity were determinants of GPx3 activity. There was a linear association between serum Se and SELENOP, and nonlinear associations between serum Se and GPx3 activity and between SELENOP and GPx3 activity. These findings indicate that most participants had suboptimal Se status to saturate circulating SELENOP.

We introduce an original dataset of formal political participation for over 2,000 individuals included in the Forbes Billionaires List. We find that billionaire politicians are a surprisingly common phenomenon: Over 11% of the world’s billionaires have held or sought political office. Even compared to other elite groups known for producing politicians from their ranks, this is a high rate of political participation. Moreover, billionaires focus their political ambitions on influential positions, have a strong track record of winning elections, and lean to the right ideologically. We also document substantial cross-national variation: a country’s number of billionaire politicians is not simply a product of its total number of billionaires, but is instead related to regime type. Specifically, billionaires formally enter the political sphere at a much higher rate in autocracies than in democracies. We conclude by discussing the normative implications of our findings and outlining a new research agenda on billionaire politicians.

Lysias 10 Against Theomnestos is the only surviving example of a classical Greek speech on a charge of slander (dikē kakēgorias). The case turns on establishing communal consensus in evaluation of meta-discursive claims: assertions as to what the law says about what citizens can say about their fellow citizens. I adapt Marmor’s account of the pragmatics of legal discourse to illuminate the litigants’ strategies as they seek to control interpretation of the legal question in this much-discussed case from 380s BC Athens. We see how each party used different assumptions about the law’s implicatures as well as its declarative meaning and presented these assumptions as grounded in common sense. The persuasive methods used by Lysias’ client are illuminated by means of cognitive narratology’s application of Lewisian possible-world logic to the creation of story-worlds and the relationships they generate between narrator and reader/audience. So understood, Lysias’ speech helps answer questions about the role and limits of free/frank speech (parrhēsia) in democratic Athens and about the relationship between individual agency and the collective agency of the dēmos, questions crucial to an understanding of the place of legal discourse and legal conflict in the ideology and day-to-day praxis of the democratic city.

The review aims to explore the potential benefit and risk of high-protein diets (HPD) regarding the comorbidity of sarcopoenia and CVD in the setting of cardiac rehabilitation (CR). CR is standard care for individuals who have experienced a cardiac event, but the current practice of predominantly aerobic exercise, a lower-fat diet and weight loss poorly addresses the issue of sarcopoenia. HPD, especially when combined with resistance exercise (RE), may be valuable adjuncts to current CR practice and benefit both muscle and cardiovascular health. Meta-analyses and randomised controlled trials of HPD and CVD risk show beneficial but variable effects regarding weight loss, the lipid profile, insulin resistance and lean body mass in those living with or high risk of CVD. Meta-analyses of prospective cohort studies on hard CVD endpoints favour lower- and plant-protein diets over higher animal protein, but the evidence is inconsistent. HPD augment the strength and muscle gaining benefits of RE in older populations, but there are no published data in those living with CVD providing promising opportunities for CR research. HPD raise concern regarding renal and bone health, the microbiome, branched chain amino acids and environmental sustainability and findings suggest that plant-based HPD may confer ecological and overall health advantages compared to animal-based HPD. However, incorporating RE with HPD might alleviate certain health risks. In conclusion, a largely plant-based HPD is deemed favourable for CR when combined with RE, but further research regarding efficacy and safety in CR populations is needed.

This paper intends to investigate the mutual benefits of examining sexual minority people’s rights in Hong Kong and Confucianism. It has four objectives. Firstly, it aims to discuss the components of Confucianism. Secondly, it seeks to explore three strategies for promoting Confucianism: ‘Ren’, ‘Li’, and ‘Ideal Society’. Thirdly, it aims to demonstrate how analysing these strategies can enhance our understanding of the relationship between sexual minority rights in Hong Kong and Confucianism. To achieve this objective, it undertakes two analytical tasks: first, to evaluate criticisms of efforts aimed at strengthening sexual minority people’s rights in Hong Kong through the lens of these three strategies; and second, to assess the potential usefulness of these strategies in exploring the compatibility between the sexual minority people’s ways of life and Confucianism. Finally, the paper aims to examine how studying sexual minority people’s rights in Hong Kong can contribute to the discussion of the Confucian welfare model.

The relevant growth of human-machine interaction (HMI) systems in recent years is leading to the necessity of being constantly aware of the cognitive workload level of an operator, especially in a safety-critical context such as aviation. Since the confusion in the definition of this concept, this paper clarifies this terminology and also highlights its relationship with stress. Thus, we analysed the state-of-the-art of cognitive workload evaluations, showing three up-to-date methodologies: subjective, behavioural and physiological. In particular, the physiological approach is increasingly gaining attention in the literature due to today’s exponential growth of biomedical sensors. Therefore, a review of the most adopted physiological signals in the workload evaluation is provided, focusing on the aeronautical field. We conclude by highlighting the necessity of a multimodal approach for mental workload assessment as a result of this analysis.

Long-chain n-3 PUFA (LC n-3 PUFA) prevent, in rodents, insulin resistance (IR) induced by a high-fat and/or fructose diet but not IR induced by glucocorticoids. In humans, contrasting effects have also been reported. We investigated their effects on insulin sensitivity, feed intake (FI) and body weight gain in genetically insulin resistant male obese (fa/fa) Zucker (ZO) rats during the development of obesity. ZO rats were fed a diet supplemented with 7 % fish oil (FO) + 1 % corn oil (CO) (wt/wt) (ZOFO), while the control group was fed a diet containing 8 % fat from CO (wt/wt) (ZOCO). Male lean Zucker (ZL) rats fed either FO (ZLFO) or CO (ZLCO) diet were used as controls. FO was a marine-derived TAG oil containing EPA 90 mg/g + DHA 430 mg/g. During an oral glucose tolerance test, glucose tolerance remained unaltered by FO while insulin response was reduced in ZOFO only. Liver insulin sensitivity (euglycaemic–hyperinsulinaemic clamp + 2 deoxyglucose) was improved in ZOFO rats, linked to changes in phosphoenolpyruvate carboxykinase expression, activity and glucose-6-phosphatase activity. FI in response to intra-carotid insulin/glucose infusion was decreased similarly in ZOFO and ZOCO. Hypothalamic ceramides levels were lower in ZOFO than in ZOCO. Our study demonstrates that LC n-3 PUFA can minimise weight gain, possibly by alleviating hypothalamic lipotoxicity, and liver IR in genetically obese Zucker rats.

How do legislators respond to coethnic and cominority constituents? We conduct an audit study of all state legislators to explore white legislators’ responsiveness to different minority groups and minority group legislators’ responsiveness to each other. Black and Latino Americans currently make up about one-third of the overall U.S. population and an even larger share of some state populations. In light of this growing diversification of the American electorate, legislators may have incentives to appeal to a broad racial constituency. In our experiment, state legislators are randomly assigned to receive an email from a white, Black, or Latino constituent. Our findings suggest a lack of legislators’ discrimination, on average, against Black relative to white constituents. Instead, we find that all legislators, on average, respond more to both white and Black constituents relative to Latinos. The evidence suggests that Black legislators do not exhibit coethnic solidarity toward their Black constituents or cominority solidarity toward their Latino constituents; however, Latinos do exhibit coethnic and cominority solidarity (though there are too few Latino legislators to definitively establish this claim). We also estimate effects among white legislators by party and racial composition of districts in order to provide suggestive evidence for white legislators’ intrinsic vs. strategic motivations.

Administrative tribunal judges determine rights and entitlements regarding bureaucratic decisions. In immigration appeal cases, they review negative decisions of permanent residency acquisition and family reunification. Based on an analysis of all immigration appeal decisions in Canada’s Quebec province over a period of twenty-three years, we find that tribunal judges confirm the bureaucratic decision in the vast majority of cases, noting the migrants’ inability to meet the annual income requirements, and rarely reverse the decision in favour of migrants. Documenting the marginal contribution of tribunal judges to promoting administrative justice, this article contributes to the debate on whether and how courts can advance immigrants’ rights.

Suicide substantially impacts disaster-affected communities due to pre-existing psychosocial effects caused by the disaster. Following the Great East Japan Earthquake of 2011, local disaster aid workers had overworked for months, and many workers eventually died by suicide. Although many workplaces suffered this dual damage, there is limited literature on psychosocial postvention in this context. This study reports the activities of individual/group postventions provided to these aid workers. The bereaved person expressed grief for the loss of their colleagues and anger for not being protected. The postvention observed unusual and distinctive group dynamics. It was essential for mental health professionals to address 2 types of traumatic exposures in the group programs —trauma from the disaster and their colleagues’ deaths due to suicide. These postvention programs might be beneficial in maintaining aid workers’ mental health and helping them cope with the loss of their colleagues.

This article explores structural entanglements between the rule-of-law, as a globalized aspirational horizon in post-Cold War politics, and corruption, as a highly salient malaise, by way of an ethnography of wāsṭa, an institutionalized practice of patronage in Jordan, and a salient object of corruption discourse in recent years. The article follows wāsṭa and anti-corruption practices in various sites where wāsṭa is most salient and most problematized and situates the contemporary practice in relation to historical transformations in Jordan’s political economy and global discourses on justice and development. While globalized anti-corruption discourses pit practices of patronage and brokerage like wāsṭa against the rule-of-law, an ethnographic and historical view illustrates how the latter is the condition of possibility of the former, the framework by which it is diagnosed, and its presumed cure. Thus, I argue that the rule-of-law should be understood as a historically specific “problem space” that posits corruption as a prime diagnostic of the ills of state and society while generating practical paradoxes and a perpetual sense of temporal out-of-jointedness for “developing” countries.

What happens when nation-builders in an independent state imagine themselves to have fallen behind kinfolk living under imperial oppression, and how does this affect their vision of a future of national unity? This paper explores the shapes that critical self-comparison could take among Romanians in the Kingdom of Romania around the turn of the twentieth century by considering three interconnected vignettes. First, it outlines the context in which politicized notions of mutual interdependence between the Kingdom and Transylvania allowed for comparison as self-criticism to take root and gain salience in the public sphere. It explores the implications that comparison as self-criticism had on ascribing agency and apportioning blame for causes of the disparity between state and kinfolk. Second, it examines two Transylvanian travelogues produced by major political and cultural figures on the fringes of the Romanian establishment, and, in a reflexive move, contrasts their politics of comparison. Third, it offers a grassroots perspective on how the travelogues of teachers and priests, as rank-and-file nation-builders, expressed these topoi. The article contributes to the nascent trend of considering historical comparisons in actors’ own terms, and as historical processes unto themselves.