This article estimates several causal counterfactual parameters of the effect of being an Historically Black College/University (HBCU) on college/university endowment, and on the probability of a college/university failing as a function of its financial health, which is proportional to endowment. Our various counterfactual causal parameter decomposition estimates suggest that the racial distinctiveness of HBCUs causes, and can account for cumulative HBCU/non-HBCU endowment disparities between $11.5 billion and $58.9 billion for the HBCUs in our estimating sample. This is consistent with, at least in part, racial discrimination against HBCUs in philanthropic endowment contributions/gifts. With respect to failure, as HBCU status contributes to higher failure probabilities that are a function of college/university financial health, reducing the HBCU/non-HBCU endowment disparity would also enhance the ability of HBCUs to continuously exist. We suggest two public policy interventions to close the endowment disparity. First, increase the tax subsidy for contributions/gifts to HBCUs relative to non-HBCUs, as a way to incentivize more gifts to HBCUs from wealthy foundations and individuals. Secondly, to the extent that the wealth of HBCU alumni—who give back to their alma mater at higher rates than their non-HBCU peers—has been constrained due to the legacy of Slavery and discrimination, a distribution of reparations to the descendants of Black American Slaves would close Black-White wealth disparities that could translate into larger endowment contributions/gifts from HBCU alumni.

I worked directly for Hans Zell from 1984 to 1995. I had been seeking a change of career after a move to Oxford, and saw the advertisement by Hans Zell Publishers, exactly matching what I sought – publishing, books, with the bonus of Africa. That job informed the rest of my working life.

Let $(X_t)_{t \geqslant 0}$ be the solution of the stochastic differential equation

\[\mathrm{d} X_t = b(X_t) \,\mathrm{d} t+A\,\mathrm{d} Z_t, \quad X_{0}=x,\]

$b\,:\, \mathbb{R}^d \rightarrow \mathbb{R}^d$

$A \in \mathbb{R}^{d \times d}$

$(Z_t)_{t\geqslant 0}$

$\alpha$

$\alpha \in (1,2)$

$x\in\mathbb{R}^{d}$

$\Gamma = (\gamma_n)_{n\in \mathbb{N}}$

$(X_t)_{t \geqslant 0}$

$\alpha$

$\gamma^{\frac{1}{\alpha}}_n$

$\gamma^{1+\frac {1}{\alpha}-\frac{1}{\kappa}}_n$

$\kappa \in [1,\alpha)$

$\gamma^{\frac{2-\alpha}{\alpha}}_n$

$\alpha$

This paper reconsiders long-standing debates in Canada about the relationship between language, race, and culture. Federal policies focused on official bilingualism (1969) and multiculturalism (1971) animated local movements of parents, students, and other community members demanding greater linguistic and racial inclusion in schools. This paper examines two instances of these grassroots politics, namely activism on behalf of heritage-language education and Black cultural-heritage programs, in Toronto, Ontario, between 1970 and 1987. Our analysis reveals key instances in which temporary forms of solidarity emerged between heritage-language and Black activism, as well as contradictory trajectories in this activism that undermined what Roseann Liu and Savannah Shange have theorized as “thick solidarity.” In this paper, we argue that absences of thick solidarity ultimately weakened efforts by heritage-language and Black activists alike to reorganize schools in ways that were more linguistically and racially just.

This article engages with the burgeoning literature on the conceptualization of corruption, a literature animated by the view that failures in anticorruption practice—the limited progress made in tackling global corruption—are in part a consequence of the ways in which corruption is theorized by academics. In response, the article proposes and elaborates a four-dimensional definition of corruption with detailed subdefinitions and seeks to advance thinking in both academic and practitioner circles on how corruption can be most effectively identified in context. The article makes five distinct contributions to live debates in the conceptual literature and clarifies several ambiguities and disagreements that have arisen within it.

First, it presents a set of grounded subdefinitions that make explicit the scope of each dimension of the definition. Second, it recommends applying the four dimensions in a predetermined sequence, enabling uncertainties or gray areas in each dimension to be resolved and clarified by subsequent dimensions. Third, it addresses the much-contested “abuse” dimension, acknowledging not only the flexibility required to identify abuses in different political and social settings but also the need to limit the scope of abuse so that it is not wholly idiosyncratic or relative. Fourth, it incorporates systemic and institutional forms of corruption, which creates an important bridge between individual and institutional approaches to corruption. Finally, it offers a defense for integrating the notion of public interest into the definition, which not only provides additional clarity to the conceptualization but also does justice to the reasons we care about corruption in the first place.

We show that for all real biquadratic fields not containing $\sqrt{2}$, $\sqrt{3}$, $\sqrt{5}$, $\sqrt{6}$, $\sqrt{7}$ and $\sqrt{13}$, the Pythagoras number of the ring of algebraic integers is at least 6. We also provide an upper bound on the norm and the minimal (codifferent) trace of additively indecomposable integers in some families of these fields.

We construct a Divisia money measure for U.K. households and private non-financial corporations and a corresponding dual user cost index employing a consistent methodology from 1977 up to the present. Our joint construction of both the Divisia quantity index and the Divisia price dual facilitates an investigation of structural vector autoregresssion models (SVARs) over a long sample period of the type of non-recursive identifications explored by Belongia and Ireland (2016, 2018), as well as the block triangular specification advanced by Keating et al. (2019). An examination of the U.K. economy reveals that structures that consider a short-term interest rate to be the monetary policy indicator generate unremitting price puzzles. In contrast, we find sensible economic responses in various specifications that treat our Divisia measure as the indicator variable.

Writing a tribute to Hans Zell is, as I realize while writing, both a personal exercise, a demanding task of research, and, above all, a profound continuation of meaning in relation to a person I admire and consider a friend. These are the reasons why I accepted without hesitation the invitation from Stephanie Kitchen and Terry Barringer to write this tribute. It is, therefore, both an honour and a considerable challenge for me to write this ‘selective’ retrospective, especially as Hans continues to develop his work and to offer new valuable articles and in-depth analyses. It is fascinating, and certainly unique, to think that Hans has been tirelessly publishing his work since 1964. I am also convinced that he will hate reading such a tribute, given that he has always preferred to highlight the work of others and encourage them to follow their own path. I will therefore take full responsibility for this, never mind!

This article explores the commentaries on Analects 3.5 and related texts in light of Confucius’ other discussions of the Yi Di. It also speculates on the ways readings of these texts have been shaped by the historical-cultural contexts of the scholars who have interpreted them over the years. Finally, it questions whether there might be a relationship between Analects 3.5 and the pericopes that make up the rest of chapter 3.

I have only met Hans Zell in person once. However I have repeatedly benefited from his scholarship on African publishing. I have observed deep acts of generosity to African scholarship in Africa. Therefore it is an honour and delight to be asked by the editors to write an appreciation of Hans.

This study explores the leadership dynamics, conflict, and group cohesion during Roald Amundsen’s South Pole expedition, with a particular focus on the critical confrontation between Amundsen and Hjalmar Johansen. Through a dual-method approach that integrates Narrative and Thematic Analysis, the research delves into the diaries and autobiographical writings of key expedition members. The findings reveal that while Amundsen’s authoritative leadership was pivotal to the expedition’s success, it also fostered significant internal conflict, particularly with Johansen. This tension highlights the delicate balance between decisive leadership and the need for inclusiveness in high-stakes environments. The study provides a nuanced understanding of how varying levels of loyalty among team members influenced group dynamics, offering insights that extend beyond the historical context of polar exploration to contemporary leadership challenges in extreme conditions.

In this paper, we examine and respond to two concerns associated with gender socialization and assisted reproductive technologies (ARTs). After providing an overview of feminist theorists’ work on gender socialization and women’s autonomy, we consider the concern according to which women’s choice to use ARTs to have children may be non-genuinely autonomous due to the influence of oppressive norms on this choice. We call this the autonomous-choice concern. In response to this concern, we argue that only subscribing to an overly demanding account of autonomy yields this conclusion and issue a caution about the implications of subscribing to such an account. Second, we consider the concern according to which the investment of public resources to make certain ARTs more widely accessible amounts to endorsing oppressive norms and may indirectly harm infertile and other women by making these norms more compelling. We call this the norm-legitimation concern. In response, we argue that when appraising the adverse downstream effects associated with legitimizing oppressive norms, it is necessary to consider both the costs of compliance and the costs of non-compliance with these norms, and that their consideration requires a differentiated approach. In closing, we consider objections to the arguments defended in the paper.

Data from three and half years’ nightly light-trap catches of 25 Afrotropical ant species were examined by Fourier analysis. Between 8 and 72 % of the seven-day-moving-average logarithmically transformed catches were accounted for by two to four terms. All 25 species showed significant annual periodicity and all, but Dorylus fulvus and Camponotus foraminosus, six monthly. Four species had wavelengths of between two and four years, and Tapinoma melanocephalum of 289 days. Twenty-three species showed two peak catches annually, contemporaneous with the two rainy seasons, with the higher peak corresponding with the main rains for 21 of them, while D. fulvus and C. foraminosus had single annual peaks during the main rains. Catches of 14 species with lunar periodicities were lowest around full moon and highest near new moon, contrasting with Hypoponera dulcis and Plagiolepis brunni whose catches were highest at full moon, and near the first quarter, respectively. Gynes and males of eight species were sufficiently numerous for comparisons of their separate responses to lunar illuminance. Catches of males peaked ca. six and three days later than gynes for Tapinoma cf. carininotum and Tetramorium aculeatum, respectively; whereas males of Crematogaster africana, Cr. depressa, Tetramorium sericeiventre, Oecophylla longinoda, Tapinoma melanocephalum, and Technomyrmex andrei peaked from ca. one to six days earlier than their respective gynes.

How do geopolitical risk shocks impact monetary policy? Based on a panel of 18 economies, we develop and estimate an augmented panel Taylor rule via constant and time-varying local projection regression models. First, the panel evidence suggests that the interest rate decreases in the short run and increases in the medium run in the event of a geopolitical risk shock. Second, the results are confirmed in the time-varying model, where the policy reaction is accommodating in the short run (1 to 2 months) to limit the negative effects on consumer sentiment. In the medium term (12 to 15 months), the central bank is more committed to combating inflation pressures.

Among various deep learning-based SLAM systems, many exhibit low accuracy and inadequate generalization on non-training datasets. The deficiency in generalization ability can result in significant errors within SLAM systems during real-world applications, particularly in environments that diverge markedly from those represented in the training set. This paper presents a methodology to enhance the generalization capabilities of deep learning SLAM systems. It leverages their superior performance in feature extraction and introduces Exponential Moving Average (EMA) and Bayes online learning to improve generalization and localization accuracy in varied scenarios. Experimental validation, utilizing Absolute Trajectory Error (ATE) metrics on the dataset, has been conducted. The results demonstrate that this method effectively reduces errors by $20\%$ on the EuRoC dataset and by $35\%$ on the TUM dataset, respectively.

The Jesuit Historical Institute in Africa (JHIA) aspires to deepen the understanding of the history and mission of the Jesuits on the African continent by enhancing local cultural and spiritual heritage. It aims to promote rigorous research that sheds light on the interactions between the Jesuit tradition, religions and other African socio-cultural dynamics. Through its work, the Institute seeks to inspire a new generation of researchers and actors committed to promoting Jesuit studies, justice, education and intercultural dialogue in Africa and Madagascar.

In this study, we hypothesize that positive, explicit racial appeals to Black voters from White politicians will be seen as pandering if not accompanied by an endorsement from a Black elite, which would increase credibility of the appeal. To test this, we use a preregistered survey experiment with approximately 400 Black Americans. Contrary to our expectations, we find that pro-Black appeals can function to increase support for the politician, even without an endorsement. In the full sample, the candidate enjoyed increased support when only using a positive appeal, when only receiving an endorsement, and when making an appeal and receiving an endorsement—relative to the control condition. Qualitative analyses of open-ended responses reveal that respondents saw the politician as pandering in all conditions—an appeal was not necessary to evoke pandering. We conclude that campaign strategies like appeals and endorsements can function to boost support even when the candidate is perceived as pandering.