This article explores African identity through the lens of incompleteness and motion. By challenging the traditional nation state-centric view of belonging, it offers a nuanced framework for analysing diasporic cultural production. This framework acknowledges the complex realities of individuals with multilayered identities shaped by interconnected geographies and hierarchies at both local and global levels. The discussion expands the concept of diaspora beyond the confines of nation states, recognizing the multiplicity of ‘homes’ and ‘dislocations’ in the contemporary world. It highlights how ongoing conflicts and liberation struggles blur the lines between home and diaspora, demonstrating the fluidity of belonging in an ever shifting global landscape. Ultimately, it encourages a critical reassessment of diasporic experiences and emphasizes the interconnectedness of ‘frontier homes’ and ‘frontier diasporas’ within and beyond the nation state.

Anorexia nervosa is characterised by the fear of gaining weight and a disrupted relationship with food but atypical if the body mass index is within normal limits. Semaglutide is a glucagon-like peptide-1 receptor agonist, indicated in patients with diabetes type 2 and obesity. An adolescent girl was diagnosed with atypical anorexia nervosa. She had a fear of gaining weight, she increased her exercise and decreased her caloric intake. The adolescent was admitted to the paediatric ward with bradycardia and pericardial effusion. During her hospital stay she admitted to having used semaglutide. Semaglutide was prescribed by her general practitioner because she was previously on the verge of being overweight with weight-related dysphoria. After 3 months she stopped using semaglutide, she kept losing weight. The adolescent girl went back to her normal life but after a panic attack caused by gaining 1 kg, she was admitted to an eating disorder ward. Semaglutide can affect mental health in patients who are prone to mental disorders. The importance of restrictively prescribing semaglutide for the right indication with caution and strict follow up is emphasised.

Building upon recent research on the motif of Sappho’s leap from the Rock of Leucas in ancient iconography and texts, this article explores its background in greater depth, raising new issues and proposing new solutions. The first section locates the iconographic project of the so-called Porta Maggiore ‘Basilica’ in its historical context, through the comparison with another coeval and contiguous building in Rome. The second section focuses on the issue of the relationship between the story of Sappho’s unhappy love for Phaon and the corpus of Sapphic poems, arguing that the theme is unlikely to have been represented in the standard edition of the poetess and offering an explanation for the origin of the tradition of alternative Sapphos. The third section identifies the third text of the famous Sappho’s Cologne papyrus as a post-classical poem in the voice of Sappho, where the poetess takes leave from Phaon and faces a journey toward the Underworld while holding in her hand Orpheus’ lyre. Finally, I argue that this poem provides an important missing link that can help understanding the background of the representation of the poetess in the Porta Maggiore ‘Basilica’.

The American Law Institute (ALI) recently approved its first ever Restatement of Medical Malpractice law. One Restatement subsection embraces the position that an authoritative clinical practice guideline, if admissible and sufficiently relevant, can be prima facie evidence of a provider’s compliance with the standard of care. This article responds to a forceful critique of that position by two of the Restatement’s advisors, who are nationally esteemed members of the plaintiff’s bar. They argue that caselaw does not support this provision, that it is unsound public policy, and that the provision is unfair because it does not afford the same prima facie proof status to plaintiffs’ use of practice guidelines.

This article addresses each of those critiques. It starts with the observation that, at bottom, this opposition is fundamentally at odds with the primary governing principle of professional liability, namely, that professional standards have greater force in medical liability cases than do industry standards in general negligence cases. Because professional standards determine professional negligence, a relevant clinical practice guideline that speaks with authority for a relevant segment of medical professionals, if admissible, should be sufficient to support a jury finding of non-negligence for a doctor who complies.

The same conclusion does not apply, however, when a plaintiff presents a single relevant guideline that a physician failed to follow, for the simple reason that it is often the case that more than one approach can reasonably apply to a given clinical situation. Also, guidelines often set ideal rather than minimal standards. Thus, this provision’s differential effect is not fundamentally unfair. Instead, it flows directly from a plaintiff’s burden of establishing professional negligence, much like numerous other conventional legal rules can affect opposing sides of a case differently.

As accomplished advocates, it is no surprise these authors have made the strongest possible case against any enhanced legal status for defensive use of exculpatory practice guidelines. Thoughtful inspection and reflection reveal, though, that their analysis significantly misstates or over-states the Restatement’s position, and so their attacks are mostly misdirected. If this Restatement’s position were truly as radical or poorly considered as these authors portray, the ALI likely would not have adopted it. Nevertheless, engaging with this critique can better elucidate reasons that courts might view this Restatement provision as well-considered.

The present study compares the use of morphological case for argument interpretation between German L1 speakers in Norway and Germany to investigate whether and how processing may be affected by attrition. Participants were presented with a spoken sentence and pictures of two scenes, one showing an event as described by a transitive or ditransitive sentence and another showing the same event, with the roles of agent and patient (transitives) or recipient and theme (ditransitives) reversed. Their task was to select the scene that matched the sentence. End-of-sentence responses show no between-group differences in comprehension. Moreover, eye movements show that both groups exploit case marking on the first noun phrase in transitive sentences in the same way. However, differences in processing between groups emerge for the use of case marking on the first object following a ditransitive verb. While the home country group shows a higher likelihood of looks to the target after a dative-marked article than after an accusative-marked article prior to the second object, the reverse holds for the expat group, at least temporarily. Altogether, the results indicate subtle changes in the processing of alternating argument orders in ditransitive sentences in L1 German, potentially as a result of the bi-/multilingual experience.

Following the 2020 Karabakh War, the emerging geopolitical realities compelled Iran to recalibrate its South Caucasus policy, prompting a shift away from its longstanding posture of neutrality. Despite the potential for Tehran to engage in cooperation through proposed regionalist projects by other actors, a significant shift towards regionalism in Iran’s approach to the South Caucasus remains elusive. This article delves into two primary sets of factors to understand the reasons behind this absence of regionalism in Iran’s foreign policy towards the South Caucasus. The first set encompasses general approaches in Iran’s foreign policy and the impact of domestic political dynamics on their development. It discusses Iran’s perceived impossibility of aligning with the South Caucasus states, the absence of a robust neighborhood policy, and Iran’s strategic isolation in the region, attributed to its unique political system and the ideological stance of its ruling elite. The second set examines external dynamics, including constant international pressure on the Islamic Republic, Iran’s deep-seated ideological and security attachment to the Arab Middle East, and the fluctuating nature of Tehran’s relations with the West. Collectively, these factors significantly limit Iran’s capacity to craft a coherent strategy for regional integration in the South Caucasus.

The foundation of the Kantian theory of right is the one innate right to freedom. Here, I offer a comprehensive philosophical comparison between Kantian rightful freedom and the conception of freedom as negative liberty or non-interference, a hugely influential view in terms of which Kantian rightful freedom is often understood. This fruitful comparison clarifies the fundamental differences between the two views, emphasizing the resources the Kantian approach offers for contributing to contemporary debates on freedom as a distinctive rights-based republican view. This Kantian perspective also offers a useful lens for critiquing negative-liberty-based views, revealing a dilemma they face.

This research examines migration in Linares during the third quarter of the nineteenth century, focusing on migration chains. The city experienced a significant increase in population due to the mining boom, which led to an almost sixfold increase in the population over a period of 30 years. Using data from the 1873 population register, which includes more than 22,500 individuals, this study confirms the effectiveness of the migration chain framework in analyzing internal migration during the preindustrial and early industrialization periods. This approach has revealed the significant influence of this form of social capital in determining migratory flows to Linares, highlighting the importance of places of origin in the spatial distribution of the city and in the occupational specialization of the migrant population. The findings suggest that migratory chains played a key role in providing information about opportunities at the destination, as well as in reducing the costs associated with the search for employment and housing.

Why does ideological competition between states intensify despite opportunities for coexistence? This article develops a theory of the ideological security dilemma to explain this puzzle. Like the military security dilemma, states may take defensive measures to safeguard the legitimacy of their own ideology, but these actions can be interpreted by others as ideological offensives aimed at weakening the legitimacy of rival ideologies. I test the theory through a process tracing of US–China ideological competition from 1991 to 2024. I find that although the United States initially hoped China would democratize voluntarily, democratizing China was not a central policy goal. Conversely, while China seeks global respect for its “China model,” actively exporting authoritarian ideology is not its goal either. Nevertheless, China perceives US efforts as aimed at regime change, prompting Beijing to promote the “China model” more assertively as a countermeasure to what it sees as a US ideological assault. This intensifies US fears of the global spread of authoritarianism and triggers further counteractions. This study integrates constructivist and realist approaches while drawing on insights from comparative politics on regime legitimacy and democratization.

A central theme in Francis Nyamnjoh’s rich IAI lecture at the 2025 ECAS conference in Prague, as in his work in general, is the ongoing struggle over exclusion and closure all over the continent (and throughout the modern world). But in this lecture he adds a new term: nimble-footedness. My question is: to what extent can this poetic term provide a counter-weight to the powerful tendency towards closure that he illustrated with such cogent examples in his lecture?

Through an ethnographic study of ageing Italians in Tunisia, this article explores the historical development of the Italian diaspora community in Tunisia from both synchronic and diachronic perspectives. It compares two distinct yet interconnected Italian communities: the ‘lost colony’ of La Goulette and the ‘vacation colony’ of Hammamet, emphasizing the daily lives, social interactions and ageing experiences of Italian pensioners in Hammamet alongside those of long-established Italian descendants in La Goulette. The analysis highlights the duality of the Italian community’s identity, torn between its colonial heritage and modern migration patterns, providing a deeper understanding of the relative privilege enjoyed by the Italian diaspora and its complex relationship with the local Tunisian population. The findings emphasize the continuity between historical and contemporary forms of colonization without colonialism, offering insights into the nuanced interplay of race, class and national identity within the context of postcolonial Tunisia. This contribution is in dialogue with ethnographic and historical research on the European diaspora in Africa, which has demonstrated how (neo-)colonial inequalities can arise and evolve beyond the framework of political colonialism.

This article examines the historical evolution of gender concepts in modern Afghanistan, tracing its development from nation-state building in the late nineteenth century through the revolutionary influences of Socialist and Islamist movements, and into the transformations prompted by the U.S. invasion in 2001. While situating the topic within its broader historical framework, the analysis centers on two archetypal figures of iconoclastic women in twentieth-century Afghanistan: those affiliated with communist parties under the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA) and those associated with Islamist mujahidin groups. Drawing upon the traditional Afghan archetype of the heroic-poet woman, the discussion explores how warfare—both in theory and practice—reconfigured gender identities via a recurring cycle of uneven advancement and regressions. These shifts were driven largely by elite, top-down strategies that positioned urban women as symbolic agents enlisted to fight entrenched gender norms, rather than to transform them through meaningful reform. The article further addresses the roles of migration and regional ideologies in this process, underscoring how such dynamics often disregarded the lived experiences and needs of ordinary Afghan women. This oversight contributed to the rise of novel iterations of the poet-heroine archetype, which paradoxically sought to dismantle conventional notions of femininity. Ultimately, the article advocates for a viable feminist approach in Afghanistan grounded in local histories, geographies, and social realities—moving beyond rigid binary frameworks to achieve genuine relevance and effectiveness.

In this article, we present the first results from radiocarbon dating of the Kirakle-Tobe settlement located in the central part of the Volga River Delta, southern Russia. Archaeological artifacts and 14C measurements on charcoal indicate three stages of settlement development on the Kirakle-Tobe knoll. The oldest 14C age corresponds to the Late Sarmatian period—early 4th century CE. The abundance of archaeological artifacts associated with the 6th–8th centuries CE indicates a long period of occupation. The youngest 14C age presumably corresponds to the Khazarian period (9th century CE). These results suggest dynamic human activity in the central part of the Volga River Delta during the Great Migration Period. These initial results can be used to verify the impact of fluctuations in the Caspian Sea level on the Volga River Delta during the Great Migration Period.

Adam Smith was against mercantilism and against monopolies in a time when mercantilism and monopolies prevailed. He was against slavery in a time when slavery was the norm. He was against the British Empire in a time when the empire he was a subject of was at its peak. He was against colonialism in a time when colonialism was the backbone of power. He was against taxation without representation in a time when democracy did not exist. He was against the established Church in a time when the Church had the power of life and death over people. He was against endowed universities in a time when education and its prestige were in their hands. When taken all together, one appreciates the extent to which Smith was a dissenter.