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The emergence of ‘compassionate cities’ and ‘compassionate communities’ (CCC) as social movements has become a pronounced development in public health approaches to the end-of-life. Drawing on the World Health Organisations’ Ottawa Charter, it contends that end-of-life care has become individualised and medicalised and promotes the ‘rediscovery’ of community approaches. Drawing on a range of sociological theory insights, it deploys a ‘critical interpretative’ analytic approach to literature identified in a narrative review. The paper aims to question the affirmative consensus that exists around CCC by building on the emergence of critical themes have recently emerged in various meta-reviews. This analysis identifies tensions and inconsistencies between the ideals of The Ottawa Charter, CCC practice and a relatively superficial and uncritical deployment of theory, particularly in relation to its status as a conservative or radical movement. The paper concludes by suggesting constructive ways forward.
This article examines the evolving landscape of accounting, distinguishing between mainstream practices and critical developments that challenge conventional notions of accounting and accountability. By engaging with perspectives that reimagine accounting’s role, the paper highlights how rights intersect with accounting practices and how accounting, in turn, shapes rights. While financial and non-financial disclosures can expose human rights abuses, concerns persist over ‘accountability-washing’ and the dominance of economic interests. The reluctance of standard-setting bodies, such as the International Sustainability Standards Board, to integrate human rights underscores the political and institutional barriers to change. The article concludes by exploring future research directions through which business and human rights scholars and critical accounting researchers can mutually benefit from each other’s insights.
While abortion has been a contentious and salient political issue in the United States for decades, the debate around abortion has evolved in terms of the rhetorical frames employed by advocates on both sides. Using vignettes of statements made by hypothetical lawmakers, we evaluate responsiveness to some of these emergent frames. Specifically, we evaluate “pro-woman” framing employed by pro-life advocates, which positions abortion restrictions as being in the interests of women. The experiment also manipulates to whom the frame is attributed in two ways, the gender and the partisanship of the lawmaker. This 2 × 2 × 2 experiment explores the intersection of how abortion restrictions are framed, including the roles gender and partisanship in the persuasiveness of the frames. We find that voters are more receptive to the pro-woman frame compared to the classic fetal rights framing. Importantly, this holds even among supporters of abortion rights, casting substantial light on persuadable groups.
Network meta-analysis (NMA) facilitates the comparison of multiple treatments by integrating both direct and indirect evidence. Applications of NMA in medical decision making have grown exponentially. However, the validity of NMA findings depends on key assumptions: homogeneity, transitivity, and consistency. A lack of consistent assessment of these assumptions potentially compromises the reliability of NMA outcomes. The objective of this study is to evaluate the extent to which researchers address NMA assumptions and report the assessment of evidence certainty in NMA publications. A total of 22,079 studies were identified from PubMed, Embase, and Cochrane CENTRAL (January 2010–August 2024). A sample of 393 NMAs was calculated to represent this population and randomly selected. Data on study characteristics, NMA assumptions, and the certainty of evidence were extracted and analyzed descriptively. Of the 393 NMAs, 71.8% were published between 2020 and 2024. Homogeneity was assessed in 300 (76.3%) NMAs, transitivity in 45 (11.5%) NMAs, and consistency in 265 (67.4%) NMAs. The certainty of evidence was assessed in 110 (28.0%) studies, predominantly using GRADE (71 NMAs; 18.1%) or CINeMA (29 NMAs; 7.4%). NMAs published in journals with high-impact factors more frequently evaluate these aspects than those published in low-impact journals. The assessment of NMA assumptions is inconsistently reported across studies, particularly for transitivity and consistency assumptions. Our findings highlight the need for standardized protocols or reporting guidelines to ensure these assessments are conducted and transparently reported.
This chapter portrays the multifaceted connections that shaped narratives of early modern Japanese–European encounters and colonial expansion in Southeast Asia. It achieves this by applying an entangled biography approach to Murakami’s knowledge networks, which integrated contemporary Japanese academia, foreign archives, and historical actors. An in-depth study of two ‘great men’ of the seventeenth century, Yamada Nagamasa and Sebastián Vizcaíno, illustrates the material and historiographical dimensions of myth-making and cultural diplomacy in the early twentieth century. The chapter finally evaluates the extent to which Murakami’s scholarship and his exposure to colonial sources contributed to the meta-narrative of early modern Japanese superiority.
This article interrogates the concept of ‘polycrisis’ through a decolonial, Global South-centered lens, arguing that current polycrisis discourse inadequately addresses entrenched global inequalities and power asymmetries. It contends that the convergence of crises – ecological, economic, social, and political – is not a novel universal condition but a structural feature of neoliberal global capitalism, long experienced in the Global South. The paper conceptualizes the polycrisis as an organic crisis of hegemonic neoliberalism and imperial modernity. It foregrounds Global South epistemologies and counter-hegemonic responses to demonstrate how subaltern actors are theorizing and contesting global crises. Methodologically, it adopts an interdisciplinary, interpretive approach that privileges Southern knowledge production. The paper finally advocates for a post-neoliberal approach that center around equality, sustianability and justice to navigate the polycrisis.
Chapter 3 argues that the virulent racism Ghanaians – students, diplomats, and workers – faced in the United States, Bulgaria, the Soviet Union, and Ghana were vital in creating and shaping a global Ghanaian national consciousness. These were, what I argue, “Racial Citizenship Moments.” Calls for protection to the Ghanaian state against racism in many walks of life were central to articulating ideas of citizenship and (re-)framing the state’s duty to its people. This bottom-up pressure, bottom-up nationalism, and social diplomacy shaped the functions of the Ghanaian state apparatus, both domestically and internationally. In addition, the chapter also seeks to dispel the myth that racism functioned ‘differently’ in the Eastern bloc. It moves past the idea of Soviet and Eastern European exceptionalism, particularly its estrangement from the processes and movement of white supremacist ideas. The spread of people and ideas – a truism in life – meant that the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe were not inoculated from white supremacist ideas. While the Communist Bloc’s foreign policy statements and private diplomatic cables expressed racial equality and solidarity, through the trope of “Black Peril,” I show how anti-Black racism in the Eastern Bloc looked uncannily familiar to other parts of the globe and how its reproduction in the Eastern Bloc was devastating to Black subjects.
Strategic litigation has emerged as a prominent tool in the business and human rights (BHR) field, offering a pathway to promote corporate accountability, test innovative legal arguments and push for systemic change. While often framed as private tort actions, such litigation frequently aims to shape broader norms beyond individual remedies. This article explores how strategic litigation contributes to the evolution of corporate responsibility to respect human rights by analysing two case studies: supply chain liability claims in English courts and corporate climate litigation in the Netherlands. Drawing on these examples, the article argues that, despite its limitations, strategic BHR litigation plays an important role in translating soft law standards, including the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, into enforceable legal duties.
How psychotic symptoms, depressive symptoms, cognitive deficits, and functional impairment may interact with one another in schizophrenia or bipolar disorder is unclear.
Methods
This study explored these interactions in a discovery sample of 339 Chinese, of whom 146 had first-episode schizophrenia and 193 had bipolar disorder. Psychotic symptoms were assessed using the Positive and Negative Symptom Scale; depressive symptoms, using the Hamilton Depression Rating Scale; cognitive deficits, using tests of processing speed, executive function, and logical memory; and functional impairment, using clinical assessments. Network models connecting the four types of variables were developed and compared between men and women and between disorders. Potential causal relationships among the variables were explored through directed acyclic graphing. The results in the discovery sample were compared to those obtained for a validation sample of 235 Chinese, of whom 138 had chronic schizophrenia and 97 had bipolar disorder.
Results
In the discovery and validation cohorts, schizophrenia and bipolar disorder showed similar networks of associations, in which the central hubs included ‘disorganized’ symptoms, depressive symptoms, and deficits in processing speed during the digital symbol substitution test. Directed acyclic graphing suggested that disorganized symptoms were upstream drivers of cognitive impairment and functional decline, while core depressive symptoms (e.g. low mood) drove somatic and anxiety symptoms.
Conclusions
Our study advocates for transdiagnostic, network-informed strategies prioritizing the mitigation of disorganization and depressive symptoms to disrupt symptom cascades and improve functional outcomes in schizophrenia and bipolar disorder.
This chapter describes the excitement surrounding scientific progress as a driver of medical progress in the Cold War and subsequent theoretical and practical challenges. Medicine, for skeptical theories, was a powerful example that there is no such thing as knowledge that continually approaches the truth, that even the body is historical, and that knowledge is always a tool of the powerful. From the medical side, some respondents were adamant that scientific knowledge about the body is “real” and that medicine is uniquely immune to uncertainties inherent in relativistic accounts of knowledge. The chapter concludes by analyzing two recent examples, evidence-based medicine and health artificial intelligence, which have been praised as objective examples of a particular kind of medical knowledge progress. Throughout, I show the implications for medical progress of larger debates about the progress of knowledge, as well as how an excessive focus on biomedical knowledge gains neglects other, important dimensions of progress.
Semioidentity refers to the sign–identity relationship in its pragmatic and metapragmatic dimensions. A component of social semiotic analysis, the study of semioidentity offers a distinctive contribution to archaeology by making explicit the different kinds of signs and their functions in the interpretive process. It privileges indexical signs as a means of anchoring interpretation and thus provides opportunities for additional higher-order claims about ideology and belief systems. A semiotic approach contributes to knowledge growth by positing that the most reliable interpretations—that is, those most likely to be true in the long term—are those that incorporate a variety of semiotic resources since their functions will act to constrain one another. In this essay, I discuss semiotic resources and semiotic ideology from the perspective of Peircean semiotics. I then offer a case study focusing on the archaeology of the Pueblo Revolt and the emergence of a pan-Pueblo historical consciousness to illustrate some of the rich insights that it affords.
Chapter 1 examines the fragility and unenviability of Black independence. It shows how Black Marxists and anticolonial figures navigated and negotiated Soviet and communist linkages from the 1940s to the 1960s against attempts by white Western imperial and colonial powers to weaponize the term “communism” to suffocate anticolonial movements and suspend Black independence. Once independent, the chapter shows that the Ghanaian government’s wariness of hastily establishing relations with the Soviet government arose not only from Western pressure but from genuine fears of swapping one set of white colonizers for another. The chapter then questions the totalizing analytical purchase of using the Cold War paradigm to understand the relationship between Black African nations and white empires – whether capitalist or communist – during the 20th century. It posits that a framework highly attentive to race and racism in international relations and diplomatic history must also be employed to understand the diplomatic actions of African states during this period. By so doing, Chapter 1 follows other pioneering works to argue that Ghanaians and the early African states had agency and dictated the paces and contours of their relationship with the USSR and other white imperial states.
Lyon uses the COVID epidemic to think about the instrumentalizing role of surveillance capitalism in digital society. He argues that the tech solutionism proffered by tech companies during the pandemic too often implied that democratic practices and social justice are at least temporarily dispensable for some greater good, with disastrous consequences for human flourishing. As a counterpoint, Lyon uses the notion of an ethics of care as a way to refocus on the importance of articulating the conditions that will enable the humans who live in datafied societies to live meaningful lives. He then offers Eric Stoddart’s notion of the “common gaze” to begin to imagine what those conditions might be. From this perspective, surveillance can be conceptualized as a gaze for the common good with a “preferential optic” focused on the conditions that will alleviate the suffering of the marginalized.
In deep learning, interval neural networks are used to quantify the uncertainty of a pre-trained neural network. Suppose we are given a computational problem $P$ and a pre-trained neural network $\Phi _P$ that aims to solve $P$. An interval neural network is then a pair of neural networks $(\underline {\phi }, \overline {\phi })$, with the property that $\underline {\phi }(y) \leq \Phi _P(y) \leq \overline {\phi }(y)$ for all inputs $y$, where the inequalities are meant componentwise. $(\underline {\phi }, \overline {\phi })$ are specifically trained to quantify the uncertainty of $\Phi _P$, in the sense that the size of the interval $[\underline {\phi }(y),\overline {\phi }(y)]$ quantifies the uncertainty of the prediction $\Phi _P(y)$. In this paper, we investigate the phenomenon when algorithms cannot compute interval neural networks in the setting of inverse problems. We show that in the typical setting of a linear inverse problem, the problem of constructing an optimal pair of interval neural networks is non-computable, even with the assumption that the pre-trained neural network $\Phi _P$ is an optimal solution. In other words, there exist classes of training sets $\Omega$, such that there is no algorithm, even randomised (with probability $p \geq 1/2$), that computes an optimal pair of interval neural networks for each training set ${\mathcal{T}} \in \Omega$. This phenomenon happens even when we are given a pre-trained neural network $\Phi _{{\mathcal{T}}}$ that is optimal for $\mathcal{T}$. This phenomenon is intimately linked to instability in deep learning.
Chapter 5 excavates the debates leftist and socialist thinkers in Ghana had about the brand of socialism they were building and its relationship to religion, morality, Black freedom, and precolonial African history. The chapter argues that debates surrounding how to define and historicize socialism in the African context were not simply intellectual exercises and disputes over labeling rights but central to reclaiming Africans and African history within global history. It was a deliberate critique of white supremacist paradigms that situated ideas, histories, and societies emanating from Africa as operating outside the continuum and space of human history. By rethinking and (re)historicizing histories of exploitation and violence in Africa, socialists in Ghana were simultaneously decolonizing and rescuing socialism from itself. The chapter demonstrates that socialism then was more than a fashionable lexicon or moniker to curry favor with certain geopolitical groups. Instead, it also offered a tangible way, a theoretical analytic, for Africans to revisit, debate, and offer a critical appraisal of African historiography and societies and Africa’s place in world history. Not only were the socialist theorists in Ghana domesticating socialism, they were remaking it globally. They were Marxist-Socialist worldmakers.
Murakami Wood makes both an empirical and a theoretical contribution by analysing the discourses contained in smart city marketing materials to create a detailed description of the kind of human that smart city developers and promoters envision as smart city residents. The resulting portrait of the “platform human” – a being whose entrepreneurial and libertarian needs are seamlessly enabled by technology built into the lived environment – is informed by a technologically-enabled notion of class, a particular and specific political identity of smart citizens as property-owning, entrepreneurial, and libertarian, and a generic environmental ‘goodness’ associated with smart platforms. The combination of these three elements resonates strongly with transhumanist speciation where humans are imagined as data-driven, surveillant, and robotic.