This paper studies socioeconomic disparities in Mexico based on sexual orientation and gender identity using data from a nationally representative survey collected between 2021 and 2022 (N=44,189). It finds pronounced levels of self-reported discrimination and rejection among LGBTQ+ individuals throughout their lives. It also estimates that these groups’ raw rates of labor force participation and unemployment diverge from those of their heterosexual and cisgender counterparts. Additionally, a heterogeneity analysis provides novel insights into nuanced disparities within LGBTQ+ groups.

This article brings together two stories of 1970s Mexico that are often narrated separately: the story of the PRI’s attempts to reform itself, specifically through the right to know, and the story of activists’ mobilizations against disappearances. Epistemic struggles surrounding the right to know and disappearances created a shared discursive arena in which activists and state officials contested the nature of information, the authority to produce it, and the seemingly unbridgeable gap between evidence and the state’s recognition of wrongdoing. Debates in the legislative and activist realms often occurred in parallel without necessarily intersecting. Nonetheless, they engaged similar questions: What would it mean to entrust the public and media with sensitive information? What strategies could move state actors to produce information and what effects would doing so have on public life? This article contends that the struggle over information and recognition became the central battlefield for negotiating state violence and opening in Mexico.

Mexico ranks third globally in seabird diversity and second in the number of endemic species that breed within its territory, yet 16% of seabird species in the country are categorized as threatened on the IUCN Red List, including the Critically Endangered Townsend’s shearwater Puffinus auricularis. Nearly 20 years ago, the breeding population of Townsend’s shearwater, which is endemic to the Revillagigedo Archipelago of Mexico, was inferred to comprise < 100 breeding pairs. Since then, conservation initiatives have been implemented in the archipelago. We assessed the current status of Townsend’s shearwater by mapping the distribution of breeding colonies, estimating breeding population size, evaluating reproductive success, describing ongoing threats and modelling population trends under three conservation scenarios. During 2016–2024, we conducted field surveys on the islands of Socorro and Clarión using acoustic monitoring techniques in historical nesting areas. We estimated that the breeding population on Socorro comprises < 200 pairs and documented the return of a small breeding population to Clarión after a 30-year absence. However, reproductive failure persists because of the effects of native predators such as land crabs, snakes and ravens. The population has exhibited a slow decline driven by interactions between native and invasive species. Without ongoing restoration efforts and management actions, including the removal of feral cats, the population could face extinction.

Using an original representative survey of 3,179 participants, we study the determinants of support for reintroducing inheritance taxation in Mexico. Two scenarios are analysed: a universal tax and a progressive tax applied only to inheritances exceeding USD 1 million (purchasing power parity [PPP]). While support for the universal tax is low (13.3 per cent), the progressive tax garners significant backing (41.8 per cent), reflecting a preference for progressivity. Regression and lasso models reveal that perceptions of tax evasion among the wealthy are the strongest predictors of support for the progressive tax. At the same time, trust in government is critical for the universal tax. Contrary to findings in high-income countries, fairness concerns such as the proportion of wealth from inheritance or corruption or reasons for poverty play a limited role in shaping attitudes. These findings provide valuable insights for tax policy design in unequal societies and emphasise the importance of addressing perceptions of compliance.

This paper presents a new series of Mexico’s foreign trade for the period 1821–1870, using foreign sources to reconstruct it, given the scarcity of Mexican-origin data. It then employs the new series with a twofold purpose: to indicate the type of economy and society that they reveal, showing the kind of articles that the country acquired and sent to the exterior, on the one hand, and building some of the measures used in the international literature to assess the performance of the external sector, on the other. In the end, the paper evaluates the functioning of the Mexican economy that those series expose.

This research note critically examines the structural failures of Mexico’s post-2000 democratic transition, arguing that the rise of illiberal populism under the National Regeneration Movement (Morena) is not the cause but the consequence of a stalled and superficial democratization process. While formal electoral procedures were strengthened, underlying issues such as state capture, elite dominance, widespread corruption, and socioeconomic exclusion remained unaddressed. By reducing democracy to procedural minimalism, political elites failed to deliver substantive democratic outcomes, eroding institutional legitimacy, and fueling public disillusionment.

Do voters take into account the deaths of family members and close friends when evaluating the government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic—particularly when that response is problematic or even negligent—as in the case of Mexico under the Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) administration? Using data from the 2021 Mexican Election Study, this research shows that opposition partisans who lost close friends or relatives to COVID-19 are more likely to evaluate the government’s response to the pandemic negatively. In contrast, National Regeneration Movement (MORENA) partisans do not hold accountable their co-partisan government. They are no more likely to evaluate the government’s response negatively, even when they experience the same losses. Experimental evidence further shows that MORENA partisans do not lower their evaluations of government performance after being informed about the country’s high COVID-19 mortality. They are also more likely to underestimate the number of COVID-19 deaths in the country, even after being presented with official mortality figures. These findings underscore how partisanship can cloud accountability, leading some voters to dismiss objective information and to judge government performance primarily through the lens of partisan loyalty. Partisanship can distort the accountability mechanism at the core of retrospective voting even during a major health crisis.

This article explores how informal medicine sellers (IMSs) in Mexico City “contest” and “reassemble” antibiotic control standards in ways that both challenge and respond to antimicrobial resistance (AMR) governance. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, we examine the “rationales”—moral, political, economic, technoscientific, and practical—that IMSs invoke to justify bypassing antibiotic prescription, dispensing and accounting regulations, and the “practical tinkering” they perform to make antibiotics available and “appropriately” used under conditions of scarcity and oversight failure. Rather than viewing IMSs as simply breaking official rules, we adopt a “social life of standards” perspective to argue that their actions reflect localized enactments of antibiotic control—versions shaped by community needs, corruption, poverty, and distrust in public health infrastructures. These practices are ambivalent, blurring boundaries between public service and profit and systemic subversion and informal regulation. By tracking how IMSs adapt, collectivize, and sometimes deliver treatments, we show how antibiotic governance is reworked from below—not only in response to AMR, but also to structural exclusions from formal care. We argue that rather than treating IMS rationales and practices as part of the problem, they should be studied as grounded responses to systemic failure—and potential sources of insight for context-sensitive regulatory design.

Species of genus Clavellotis (Castro-Romero & Baeza-Kuroki, 1984) are parasites of marine fishes across the world. During the course of a survey on the metazoan parasites of marine fish across the Yucatán Peninsula, Mexico, specimens of a lerneapodid copepod consistent with the concept of Clavelotis were collected from the gills of three species of sparids, and were described as a new species using morphological and molecular characters. Clavellotis mayae n. sp. represents the second species of the genus reported in Mexican coastal waters. The new species morphologically resembles C. dubius and C. sebastidis in the trunk shape but can be readily distinguished by having a short maxilla which is separated to its distal end, a sub-oval and conspicuously larger aliform process, and a distal margin of the trunk bearing pronounced subcircular flaps covering the attachment sites of the egg sacs. The new species further differs from all other known congeners by having a short genital process and mandibles without secondary dentition. Molecular analyses through 28S rDNA and cox1 sequences further corroborate all these morphological distinctions and support the taxonomic placement of the new species within Clavellotis. The relationships of this species with other congeners are discussed in light of molecular evidence.

This study examines paid and unpaid childcare distribution connected to gender relations and inequalities. We ask: what are the gender consequences of childcare distribution in Mexico? To answer this enquiry, we apply Razavi’s diamond model, examining the social dimensions of the family/household, the State, the Market, and not-for-profit (NFP) sectors. We utilise national statistics and representative surveys from the Mexican National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI), complemented with published studies on Latin America and Mexico.

The article is structured as follows. First, we provide a literature review on the model related to welfare and care provision. Second, we summarise important aspects of the Mexican context. Our analysis is structured in subsections following each dimension of the diamond. We discuss our findings through a graphic representation of the model applied to Mexico, and conclude with final remarks.

Our concrete application of the model shows how the distribution of – paid and unpaid – childcare has consequences in (re)producing and strengthening gender inequalities in a myriad of spaces, dynamics, and arrangements. Key findings indicate a reduction in public childcare provision, transferring responsibilities to the household and the NFP dimensions, enhancing gendered expectations. Additionally, there is an increased protagonism of market relations within the domestic sphere and unequal conditions for those with resources.

We contribute to current studies on gender inequalities connected to welfare systems – and the lack thereof – by offering conceptual elements to develop research pathways sensitive to context-specificities, closely aligned with countries and societies within the Global South.