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There have been a number of successful attempts, such as Kent's, to explain variations in scansion or in the development of Vulgar Latin forms in terms of variations in syllable division. It is also rather commonly accepted that Latin had some means of marking word boundaries—that is to say, had a juncture phoneme. There has not been (to my knowledge at least) any attempt to put syllable division and juncture together in a systematic fashion, to see what each can tell us about the other and what both can tell us about the phonemic structure of the language. Such a synthesis is the task here attempted. It is the contention of this paper that when the two are put together, three situation types emerge: normal syllable division, normal syllable division accompanied by juncture, and syllable division of a type that requires juncture.
This paper is a morphophonemic and morphemic study of a class of Romanian words defined by their inflectional behavior as nouns. The point of departure is an array of isolated examples in phonemic form; the result is a classification of nouns by morphological types and a morphemic formula. The corpus from which the examples are drawn consists of Romanian texts interpreted with the aid of native speakers, supplemented with utterances by the speakers themselves.
1. Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *R was reconstructed by Dempwolff to account for the correspondence of Tagalog g with Toba-Batak r and the lack of a corresponding phoneme in Javanese (i.e. loss of a consonant and contraction of the abutting vowels); thus, *beRas, Tg. bigás, Jv. wòs, TBt. boras ‘polished rice’. Certain contradictions to Dempwolff's formula appeared not only in the Javanese cognates, but in those of Ngaju-Dayak and Merina, a dialect of Malagasy. The present article will examine these contradictions, to see whether they suggest hitherto unrecognized PMP distinctions.
The long-established hypothesis that Gothic ái áu still represented the diphthongs [ai au] in the time of Wulfila is expressed in the writings of such scholars as Jellinek, Streitberg, Braune, and Kieckers. In recent years, however, an increasing number of linguists, including Hirt, Marstrander, Wright, and Mossé, have reached the conclusion that Wulfila's ái áu were no longer diphthongs but had become monophthongized to long open [ε: ɔ:] respectively. Still others, e.g. Wrede and Prokosch, agree only that such a monophthongization took place. Wrede assigns it to the post-Wulfilian period, and Prokosch qualifies his acceptance of the theory: ‘I believe that Hirt is right, but the question is largely one of chronology. Shortly before Wulfila's time, Gmc. ai au were still diphthongs in Gothic ... . Shortly after Wulfila, they were monophthongs’.