This article examines key political developments in Australia during 2024, a year characterised by mid-term challenges for the Albanese Labor Government. The databook entry covers regional elections in four jurisdictions, where Labor governments suffered defeats in Queensland and the Northern Territory while retaining power elsewhere. The article discusses a Cabinet reshuffle and institutional changes including electoral redistributions and new parliamentary standards bodies. While there were changes to personnel within the party, this produced no changes to the gender composition of legislature and only minimal changes to the party system, with the exception of two new single-member parties in the Senate. National policy issues centred on persistent cost-of-living pressures, including housing, and foreign policy challenges, including the Gaza conflict and continued commitment to the AUKUS submarine programme.

Austria's political year in 2024 was shaped by a dense electoral calendar, including elections to the European Parliament, the National Council, and two regional parliaments. The populist right-wing Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) benefited notably, securing first place in three of these four elections (with the region of Vorarlberg being the exception). As a result, the FPÖ gained additional seats in legislatures at all levels, albeit with varying effects on executive power. While the FPÖ entered two regional governments—assuming the governorship in Styria—other parties refused to participate in any coalition involving the FPÖ at the national level. Breaking a longstanding tradition, Austrian President Alexander Van der Bellen therefore granted the mandate to form a government to the Austrian People's Party (ÖVP). The ÖVP subsequently initiated coalition talks with the Social Democratic Party of Austria and NEOS-The New Austria and Liberal Forum, which were still ongoing at the end of 2024.

In 2024, Belgium experienced its third consecutive ‘Mother of all elections’. Federal, regional and European elections were held on 9 June and local elections on 13 October. These elections profoundly transformed Belgium's political landscape: the right and center, with Reformist Movement/Mouvement réformateur (MR) and Les Engagés, took the lead in Wallonia, putting an end to Socialist domination. In Flanders, New Flemish Alliance/Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie (N-VA) maintained its position as the leading party despite the rise of Vlaams Belang, while the ecologists suffered a net decline in all regions. In Brussels, the Socialist Party remained in the lead, but the MR made significant gains. This led to the creation of unedited coalitions: the ‘Arizona’ federal government (N-VA, MR, Vooruit, Christian Democratic and Flemish/Christen-Democratisch en Vlaams [CD&V], Les Engagés)—yet not already formed by the end of 2024, the ‘Azur’ coalition in Wallonia (MR–Les Engagés) and a tripartite in Flanders (N-VA, Vooruit, CD&V), reflecting a profound restructuring of federal and regional executive power.

This entry deals with developments in the electoral arena, coalition politics, and within political parties in Bulgaria. In 2024, Bulgarian politics remained marked by instability, fragmentation, and public distrust, mirroring 2023. The collapse of the coalition Cabinet and two election rounds left incumbent Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria dominant, while We Continue the Change–Democratic Bulgaria declined in influence, despite sharing the incumbency position. Smaller parties faced leadership and organizational challenges, complicating coalition-building. A key political fault-line centered on DPS leader Delyan Peevski, who remained influential despite being sanctioned under the US Magnitsky Act. Despite internal strife, Bulgaria achieved progress toward EU integration, joining Schengen and advancing Eurozone accession. However, Euroskepticism grew, fuelled by pro-Russian sympathies among some parties. Contentious issues such as LGBTQ+ rights, migration, and domestic violence continued to polarize society and dominate political debate.

The year 2024 was a challenging year for the governing Liberals and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. As the year ended, the official opposition Conservatives led in the polls by more than 25 points, and the approval ratings for the Prime Minister were at an all-time low. Disappointing by-election results, Cabinet dissent, the end of a supply-and-confidence agreement with the New Democratic Party and the election of a new American President who threatened tariffs and raised questions about Canada becoming the 51st state all contributed to the challenges faced by Trudeau, who has been Prime Minister since 2015. As the year ended, his ability to remain as Liberal leader and PM was very much in question.

In 2024, Croatia went through a super election year, with parliamentary elections in April, European Parliament elections in June, and presidential elections (first round) in December. The sitting president, Zoran Milanović, garnered the highest level of support in the first round, coming close to securing an absolute majority of the votes. However, during the parliamentary election, he posed as a Spitzenkandidat for the center-left coalition, prompting the Constitutional Court to issue a formal decision banning him from taking part in the campaign due to separation of powers concerns. The ruling Christian democratic and conservative Croatian Democratic Union, led by Prime Minister Andrej Plenković, managed to secure its third consecutive term as the leading party of a coalition government. The same party won an absolute majority of the Croatian seats in the European Parliament. Despite rising costs of living, the government managed to quell social dissent and trade union collective actions through broad salary increases in the public sector.

The stalemate over the Cyprus question persisted in 2024. Apart from a single informal dinner between the two Cypriot leaders and the UN Secretary-General in New York, there was no meaningful dialogue—let alone any formal negotiations—despite the efforts of UN Envoy María Holguín, whose tenure ended in the summer of 2024. On the domestic front, within the Greek-Cypriot-dominated Republic of Cyprus, the year was marked by the European Parliament election where a YouTuber—Fidias Panayiotou—became third behind the conservative Democratic Rally (25 per cent), which maintained its two Members of the European Parliament (MEPS), and the communist party the Progressive Party of Working People (22 per cent), which lost one of its two MEPs. In the northern part of the island, the de-facto state Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, 2024 witnessed a fake diploma and fraud scandal at a Turkish Cypriot university that reignited the debate on the problems in the Turkish Cypriot higher education sector. Internationally, Cyprus strengthened ties with the US via President Christodoulides’ White House visit.

The year 2024 was marked by a series of significant electoral events in the Czech Republic, including elections to the European Parliament, the Senate, and regional councils. ANO 2011 emerged as the dominant political force across all three contests, while parties in the governing coalition, particularly the Czech Pirate Party and the Civic Democratic Party, experienced electoral losses. New political alliances, such as Přísaha (Oath) and Stačilo! (Enough!), secured representation in the European Parliament. The September regional elections were shaped by severe flooding in the Moravian-Silesian and Olomouc regions. Following poor electoral performances, the Czech Pirate Party exited the government, and Cabinet reshuffles ensued. Parliament enacted electoral reform by introducing voting by mail for citizens living abroad. The Senate elections altered the balance of power in the upper chamber, and leadership changes followed within the Czech Pirate Party and the Christian and Democratic Union–Czechoslovak People's Party.

The year 2024 was an eventful year that began with the abdication of the Queen. The European Parliament (EP) election returned a decent result for the government and resulted in a fragmented Danish representation in Brussels with 10 out of 11 parties represented in both Parliament and EP, and the 15 MEPs (Members of the European Parliament) spread across seven EP party groups. The government program saw some realization, in particular with initiatives on stronger defense, including conscription for women, and a “Green Partite” deal. New ministries focusing on Europe, Green Tripartite, and Prepping were formed and reflect the current challenges and priorities, as Denmark takes on EU chairmanship in the fall of 2025, climate change calls for actions also for the agricultural sector, and societal preparedness is called for, not least given the international political situation.

After the parliamentary elections of 2023 and some of the political initiatives of the new government that followed, the year 2024 was relatively quiet in Estonian politics. Support for the government parties as well as the approval rating of the Prime Minister remained very low and the change in government leadership that took place in the middle of the year did not change this. The support of the electorate was firmly behind the opposition throughout the year. Even though the year was politically uneventful, it was noticeably unstable on the level of political parties. Defections between parliamentary party groups continued, especially in the first half of the year up to the point where the number of officially unaffiliated MPs was higher than it had ever been since the democratic transition in the 1990s. No significant new political player emerged from this political volatility between the parties, but it was evident that the actors in the party system were going through significant internal tensions and changes.

Government-opposition confrontation intensified in Finland in 2024, with major reforms to welfare, labour and immigration policy introduced and passed through to legislation. The first half was marked by presidential and European elections. The tight race between two internationally known candidates, Alexander Stubb from the National Coalition Party/Kokoomus (KOK) and the Green politician Pekka Haavisto, in this decreasingly semi-presidential political system, was won by the liberal European Trans-Atlanticist Iron Man Stubb. The European elections were also won by KOK to the European People's Party on the theme of national security, and surprise results also brought three seats to the Left Alliance/Vasemmistoliitto. While the Social Democratic Party/Suomen Sosialidemokraattinen puolue only secured two seats, they led the polls by the end of 2024. The austerity measures made the Orpo I (KOK) government unpopular but mainstreamed the main junior partner Finns Party/Perussuomalaiset’s anti-migrant, welfare-chauvinist agenda despite their declining support.

Turmoil and gridlock have been two key features of 2024 in France. From a situation of minority government with no viable alternative, snap elections were called by President Macron. These elections resulted in a situation with no winner, all electoral blocks claiming victory, and none being able to form a government with a chance to survive. After a summer of Olympics and hesitations, a right-wing-oriented government emerged, building its strategy around the expected benevolence of the radical right Rassemblement National. The government proved one of the shortest-lived ever, incapable of passing a budget for the country.

German politics tends to be rather stable, yet 2024 marked a particularly volatile year with four major elections. In the state elections in Saxony, Thuringia, and Brandenburg, as well as the European Parliament (EP) elections, the parties of the federal governing coalition suffered heavy losses, while the radical-right Alternative for Germany (Alternative für Deutschland) and the newly founded left-conservative Alliance Sahra Wagenknecht (Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht) made significant gains. Following the EP elections, German Christian Democrat Ursula von der Leyen (Christlich Demokratische Union) was re-elected as European Commission President. Amid a deepening economic recession and intensifying public controversy over migration that fuelled public discontent with the federal government, internal tensions within the coalition over fiscal policy ultimately culminated in a government crisis. In December, social democratic Chancellor Olaf Scholz (Social Democratic Party of Germany/Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands) initiated a vote of confidence, which he deliberately lost, prompting the collapse of the coalition. As a result, snap elections were scheduled for February 2025.

The year was marked by the European Parliament elections in June, where turnout was at its lowest and New Democracy (Nea Dimokratia/ND) dominated, albeit with a reduced vote share, compared to the last elections. These elections were followed by important political developments. A Cabinet reshuffle was announced days later, and both the Panhellenic Socialist Movement-Movement for Change (Panellinio Sosialistiko Kinima-Kinima Allagis/PASOK-KINAL) and the Coalition of the Radical Left (Synaspismos tis Rizospastikis Aristeras/SYRIZA) held internal elections for leadership. The incumbent president of PASOK-KINAL was re-elected in October. The ousting of SYRIZA's president by the party's top organ in early November prompted the exit of five SYRIZA MPs and, consequently, resulted in PASOK-KINAL assuming the role of the main opposition party. SYRIZA elected a new party president in late November. Adding to this turn of events was the unprecedented expulsion of a former Prime Minister, Antonis Samaras, from his own party, ND. Inflation remained a top concern for citizens. Greece became the first Orthodox Christian country to legalize same-sex marriage. The investigation into the Tempi train crash continued to fuel protests and allegations of a government cover-up. Wildfires once again ravaged various parts of the country. The devastating consequences of domestic violence persisted, with 16 femicides recorded in total.

Hungary's political landscape underwent a significant transformation in 2024, marked by the emergence of the Respect and Freedom Party/Tisztelet és Szabadság Párt (TISZA) as a major opposition force. Sparked by the ‘clemency scandal’, TISZA capitalised on public discontent and quickly rivalled the ruling Fidesz-Hungarian Civic Union/Fidesz-Magyar Polgári Szövetség (Fidesz) party in the European parliamentary and local elections. While Fidesz maintained dominance in rural areas and national institutions, it lost ground in urban centres, particularly Budapest. The scandal led to high-profile resignations, including President Katalin Novák and former Justice Minister Judit Varga. Institutional changes, such as constitutional amendments and the launch of the Sovereignty Protection Office, reflected shifting priorities. Key policy debates revolved around economic stagnation, healthcare, transportation and education. On the international stage, Hungary's EU Council presidency, support for Ukraine negotiations, and controversial diplomacy—particularly with Russia and China—drew mixed reactions, highlighting tensions between domestic sovereignty and EU integration.

In 2024, both presidential and parliamentary elections took place in Iceland. Halla Tómasdóttir replaced Guðni Th. Jóhannesson as president, after Jóhannesson unexpectedly declared on 1 January that he would not be standing for a third presidential term. Prime Minister Katrín Jakobsdóttir, leader of the Left Greens, resigned her post in April when she decided to run for president. Subsequently, the leader of the Independence Party, Bjarni Benediktsson, became Prime Minister. To the surprise of many, Jakobsdóttir, a most popular politician for many years, lost the presidential election. Within the highly unpopular government coalition, open disagreements intensified. In October, Benediktsson dissolved the coalition unilaterally and called for a snap election. The government parties jointly lost 25 percentage points, as well as their parliamentary majority. No left-socialist party was represented in Parliament for the first time since 1937. The number of parliamentary parties was reduced from eight to six. Three opposition parties close to the center gained 23 points, and three female party leaders formed a majority coalition.

The year 2024 was a year of elections and voting in Ireland. It saw two government-initiated referendums fail. That caused the resignation of a Taoiseach (Prime Minister) and party leader and his replacement with a younger colleague as leader of Fine Gael. The following local and European elections crystallised the drop in support for Sinn Féin that polls had forecast in the previous year, while two of the governing parties’ support held up reasonably well. Probably because of the results of those elections, a general election was called at the end of the year. Though a government had not been formed by the end of 2024, it was clear that the new government would be a variant of the outgoing one, with the Green Party replaced by a number of independent TDs (Teachta Dala, MPs) supporting the government, with several independents serving as ministers.

In 2024, Israel faced profound political and military upheaval. The Gaza war persisted throughout the year, expanding to direct confrontations with Hezbollah and Iran, while Houthi attacks intensified regional instability. Domestically, the government fractured: The New Hope faction split from Benny Gantz's National Unity alliance, and both parties exited the coalition at different times. Meanwhile, mass protests continued over the government's wartime conduct and hostage negotiations, and tensions surrounding military service exemptions deepened societal divisions. Despite partial economic recovery, GDP growth remained sluggish at 0.9 per cent, with inflation rising to 3.2 per cent and major credit agencies downgrading Israel's rating. Institutional developments included a landmark Supreme Court ruling asserting judicial review over Basic Laws, sparking ongoing battles over democratic governance. No parliamentary elections were held, but significant municipal elections took place. War, leadership crises, internal polarization, and widespread demands for accountability and reform defined Israeli politics in 2024.

In 2024, Italian politics experienced institutional continuity, with no national elections or major Cabinet reshuffles. The European Parliament election emerged as the year's most salient political event, consolidating Fratelli d'Italia and the Partito Democratico as the two main poles and underscoring the electoral collapse of the Movimento Cinque Stelle (M5S, Five Star Movement. This shift has reignited debates over a possible return to bipolarism in the Italian party system. The report also examines the outcome of seven regional elections, which saw the centre-right coalition consolidate its territorial dominance. Further sections address limited but politically significant Cabinet changes, the organisational transformation of the M5S and key political developments during the year. Special attention is given to the proposed constitutional reform introducing a directly elected Prime Minister (premierato), a controversial measure that has sparked widespread public and academic debate. Taken together, these developments point to a politically stable system facing emerging pressures on institutional and party configurations.