Though observers at the time noted that a well-coordinated lobbying campaign contributed to enactment of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, subsequent popular and scholarly accounts have largely ignored the role of institutional advocacy, focusing instead on either the inspirational effects of direct-action protest outside of Washington or unhindered institutional activity by policymakers themselves to explain the achievement of this legislation. In contrast, this article investigates civil rights movement organizations’ engagement in federal legislative lobbying and the broader network of labor, religious, and other public interest lobbyists within which their Washington representatives collaborated. Using archived sign-in sheets from meetings hosted by the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, I identify 138 individuals who participated in the Civil Rights Act’s lobbying campaign as Washington representatives of various organizations. Drawing on their memoirs, obituaries, and other records of their professional careers, I trace these Washington representatives’ paths to the Civil Rights Act lobby. This descriptive analysis reveals a critical mass of Washington representatives with ample Beltway experience, findings that challenge conventional periodization of the civil rights movement’s institutionalization and suggest new interconnections in the development of the administrative and civil rights states.

Rawls suggests that facts about the political virtues must be part of the construction of a reasonable political conception of justice. The thesis of this article is that, if an account of political virtue is a necessary element in a reasonable political conception, then so too is an account of political vice. The political vices are those attitudes, feelings, and dispositions that systematically work against reasonableness or the other cooperative or discursive goals of political virtue. The article concentrates on several epistemic-political vices along with practical-political vices that have epistemic elements. Epistemic-political vices such as close-mindedness or gullibility are especially worrisome in the digital age, given their tendency to undermine practices of public reasoning and deliberative democracy. Each political vice is understood as a characteristic failure of one of the Rawlsian burdens of judgment. Each is in this way a more specific form of unreasonableness.

Relationship-centred mealtimes can support care home residents, who are at high risk for loneliness. However, care home staff do not consistently promote relationship-centred mealtimes. This secondary analysis examined the impact of factors (selected based on the Theory of Planned Behaviour) upon care home staff interest in making mealtimes more relationship-centred. Data were from a cross-sectional, quantitative survey of 670 care home staff from North America. We used multivariable logistic regression to test hypotheses. The model was statistically significant, and explained 13 per cent of the variance in staff members’ interest in making mealtimes more relationship-centred. Respondents who were more satisfied with current mealtime practices, had used collaborative change strategies in the past, and who perceived organizational support for relationship-centred care were more likely to have interest in making mealtimes more relationship-centred. These are modifiable factors to target in interventions designed to promote care home staff interest in making mealtimes more relationship-centred.

We show that the loop space of a moment-angle complex associated to a two-dimensional simplicial complex decomposes as a finite type product of spheres, loops on spheres and certain indecomposable spaces which appear in the loop space decomposition of Moore spaces. We also give conditions on certain subcomplexes under which, localised away from sufficiently many primes, the loop space of a moment-angle complex decomposes as a finite type product of spheres and loops on spheres.

While peacekeeping operations have always been heavily dependent on host-state support and international political backing, changes in the global geopolitical and technological landscapes have presented new forms of state interference intended to influence, undermine, and impair the activities of missions on the ground. Emerging parallel security actors, notably the Wagner Group, have cast themselves as directly or implicitly in competition with the security guarantee provided by peacekeepers, while the proliferation of mis- and disinformation and growing cybersecurity vulnerabilities present novel challenges for missions’ relationships with host states and populations, operational security, and the protection of staff and their local sources. Together, these trends undermine missions’ efforts to protect civilians, operate safely, and implement long-term political settlements. This essay analyzes these trends and the dilemmas they present for in-country UN officials attempting to induce respect for international norms and implement their mandates. It describes nascent strategies taken by missions to maintain their impartiality, communicate effectively, and maintain the trust of those they are charged with protecting, and highlights early good practices for monitoring and analyzing this new operation environment, for reporting on and promoting human rights, and for operating safely.

When and why did House parties identify exclusive committees? The nexus of parties and standing committees defines the distribution of power in the U.S. House of Representatives, shapes legislators’ careers, and affects Congress's ability to address the nation's problems. Yet, political science provides inadequate and often misleading characterizations of the parties and the most important standing committees. We provide missing detail and offer a historical perspective on party efforts to arrange standing committees in the period since the revolt against Speaker Joseph Cannon in 1909–1910. Our narrative offers a foundation for explaining party efforts to regulate committee membership and meet legislators’ demands. For the first time, we define three periods in committee assignment limitations. In doing so, we place key events in historical context: We report that the modern exclusive committees (Appropriations, Rules, and Ways and Means) did not become defined until the 1950s; the identification by the two parties of a larger set of exclusive committees for which a one-assignment limitation applied began decades earlier; the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946 placed a one-assignment limitation in House rules that had been party practice for three decades by then. In recent decades, deep partisanship has been accompanied by a loosening, not tightening, of restrictions. In fact, there are no fully exclusive committees remaining in practice.

Using manually compiled cost of equity (COE) estimates disclosed in takeover regulatory filings, we provide novel evidence on how investment bankers estimate discount rates. COE estimates are related to several risk proxies, such as beta and size. Other firm characteristics are unrelated to COE estimates or provide relations contradicting academic evidence. We also explore the role of incentives. For example, banks use significantly higher COEs in management buyouts, which potentially underestimates target value, making the bid more attractive for target shareholder approval.

In this paper, we consider estimating spot/instantaneous volatility matrices of high-frequency data collected for a large number of assets. We first combine classic nonparametric kernel-based smoothing with a generalized shrinkage technique in the matrix estimation for noise-free data under a uniform sparsity assumption, a natural extension of the approximate sparsity commonly used in the literature. The uniform consistency property is derived for the proposed spot volatility matrix estimator with convergence rates comparable to the optimal minimax one. For high-frequency data contaminated by microstructure noise, we introduce a localized pre-averaging estimation method that reduces the effective magnitude of the noise. We then use the estimation tool developed in the noise-free scenario and derive the uniform convergence rates for the developed spot volatility matrix estimator. We further combine kernel smoothing with the shrinkage technique to estimate the time-varying volatility matrix of the high-dimensional noise vector. In addition, we consider large spot volatility matrix estimation in time-varying factor models with observable risk factors and derive the uniform convergence property. We provide numerical studies including simulation and empirical application to examine the performance of the proposed estimation methods in finite samples.

Let (W, S) be a Coxeter system of rank n, and let $p_{(W, S)}(t)$ be its growth function. It is known that $p_{(W, S)}(q^{-1}) \lt \infty$ holds for all $n \leq q \in \mathbb{N}$. In this paper, we will show that this still holds for $q = n-1$, if (W, S) is 2-spherical. Moreover, we will prove that $p_{(W, S)}(q^{-1}) = \infty$ holds for $q = n-2$, if the Coxeter diagram of (W, S) is the complete graph. These two results provide a complete characterization of the finiteness of the growth function in the case of 2-spherical Coxeter systems with a complete Coxeter diagram.

Data on the behavioral development of preterm infants are inconclusive. The aim of this study was to explore behavioral development during preschool years, considering prematurity, measurement time, gender, and informant. This is a prospective longitudinal analytical observational study, with a sample of 98 parents and 98 teachers of children aged 4, 5, and 6 years with and without a history of prematurity, who were evaluated by the Child Behavior Checklist and Teacher’s Report Form. Parents and teachers of the preschoolers report average scores on all behavioral scales. We observed variability according to degree of prematurity, age, and informant. Teachers detected more attention difficulties in the very preterm group (VPTG) than in the born-at-term group at 4 years. Parents and teachers coincided in detecting greater withdrawal in the moderate and late preterm group (MTPG) compared to the born-at-term group and an increase in difficulties with increasing age. The General Linear Model revealed that moderate prematurity, the age of 6 years, and parental report have a greater risk of behavioral difficulties. The need for follow-up also in moderate preterm infants is emphasized, especially at 6 years of age and with multi-informants.

Calcined clay minerals were examined as adsorbents for the removal of heavy metals from aqueous solutions. Five clay minerals (kaolinite, dickite, pyrophyllite, hydrobiotite and montmorillonite) were thermally treated at 100–1000°C and were characterized according to cation-exchange capacity (CEC), Brunauer–Emmett–Teller (BET) specific surface area and X-ray diffraction. The CEC and BET specific surface area decreased at high temperature. Kaolinite, dickite and montmorillonite had the lowest crystal order at 800°C. The adsorption capacity of the clay minerals except hydrobiotite decreased with calcination. Hydrobiotite showed a high adsorption capacity of heavy metals regardless of heat treatment. The adsorption capacity of kaolinite and dickite for heavy metals and Cs increased at 1000°C, and that of Cs on hydrobiotite decreased at 800°C. The adsorption sequence of the metals on kaolinite, dickite, pyrophyllite and montmorillonite was Pb > Cs > Co, Ni, Cd for temperatures up to 800°C, and the order for the adsorption on the clay minerals depended on the temperature, according to the adsorption capacity and the distribution coefficient.