We argue affiliation with an American conservative legal movement key player, the Federalist Society (FedSoc), provides a low-cost, high-information cue to senators voting on nominees. We investigate how FedSoc affiliation shapes senator voting behavior on judicial nominations. Using a novel dataset of 35,602 roll call votes on all federal judicial nominations (1991–2020), we find Federalist Society affiliation dramatically impacts the likelihood of receiving a senator’s vote with Democrats less likely to vote for Federalist Society-affiliated nominees than Republicans across the federal judiciary. Senator ideology matters with more ideologically extreme Republicans – and more moderate Democrats – more likely to vote for FedSoc-affiliated nominees. Relatedly, Republican senators – regardless of their own affiliation with the group – reveal strong support for FedSoc affiliates. Taken together, we show nominee affiliation with the Federalist Society is a crucial cue when senators vote on judicial nominees.1

African newspapers have been the subject of scrutiny from a variety of disciplinary perspectives. However, comparably little attention has been paid to the early visual archives produced by these presses. This essay mines the pages of West African Pilot and other newspapers to explore the genesis of the practice and profession of press photography in Lagos, Nigeria. Over the course of three defining historical moments, press photographs became a record and consequence of the ways that professional, legal, and political contours of visual freedoms were defined in an increasingly anti-colonial city and nation-state.

European societies are increasingly grappling with the often violent and deceitful circumstances through which now-treasured artefacts made their way from their colonies to museums in the metropole. This article shows this emerging norm of colonial heritage restitution by describing key norm components and assessing the norm’s current strength. Moreover, the article analyses the norm’s implementation in two European states to better understand how and why states implement the colonial heritage restitution norm. The comparison shows that Belgium and the United Kingdom have implemented the norm differently and incompletely: while both states have seen extensive discourse surrounding colonial heritage restitution as a moral duty to right past wrongs among civil society and museums, domestic legal changes and museum policies have varied due to different institutional contexts and government positions on heritage restitution. The paper attests to the critical role of national governments’ norm support for explaining divergent implementation, while other domestic actors such as museums and civil society groups are advocating for heritage restitution. The paper contributes to emerging research on museums as norm entrepreneurs in International Relations and transitional justice in established democracies.

Future telecommunication systems are set to revolutionize connectivity, driven by advancements in technologies like 6 G, artificial intelligence, and the Internet of Things (IoT). However, this evolution brings significant challenges. Traditional silicon-based transistors struggle to meet demands for efficiency and power handling. Indium Phosphide (InP)-based Double Heterojunction Bipolar Transistors (DHBTs) deliver excellent performance at sub-mm-wave frequencies while minimizing power loss and heat generation. Additionally, achieving reliable large-signal performance in high-frequency applications requires accurate large-signal modelling and advanced testing techniques, such as load-pull measurements. In this paper, we report the comparison between two InP/GaAsSb Double Heterojunction Bipolar Transistors (DHBTs) with different collector epitaxial designs in terms of their small- and large-signal performance. The effect of the epitaxial design on the small- and large-signal performances is investigated and load-pull measurements in G-band are performed to assess the great power-handling and efficiency capabilities of the InP/GaAsSb DHBT technology. For both of the designs, THz cut-off frequencies with Power-Added Efficiency (PAE) > 30% are achieved. Moreover, the value of PAE = 39.2% reached in G-band represents the highest among any technology. Finally, the two different epitaxial designs are thermally characterized to investigate the effect of different layers on the thermal and RF-performances.

This article examines the contributions of Bert Bolin, the first chair of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), to the collective understanding of the panel’s nature, operations and results, as well as his efforts to safeguard the credibility of the IPCC process in the face of criticism. Based on the scholarship on expertise and its relationship with the political process, I argue that Bolin’s contribution to that process can be summarized in three points. First, he acted as a mediator between producers of climate change knowledge and its users, in this case governments and corporations. Second, he selected and emphasized some of the information provided by the IPCC and used it to advocate for immediate action to tackle climate change. Third, he played a major role in legitimizing the IPCC as the best possible assessment organization, especially through boundary work. Additionally, it is suggested that Bolin’s role in the advisory process was not static but changed within an evolving political and social context. Through this case study, I aim to contribute to the scholarship that examines how environmental problems are defined and brought into the political arena, and the role of experts in this complex process.

This paper examines the complex political-economic processes that shape contemporary forced displacement from Guatemala to the U.S. The study was driven by the following research question: How does capitalism and the historical context of forced migration in Guatemala relate to the creation and development of migrant-led organizations in the U.S. and the various types of leadership and political participation? Examining the political economy of Guatemalan migration to the Greater Los Angeles region and the activities of migrants and community organizations, I argue that neoliberal capitalism not only provokes the displacement of Guatemalan migrants as a social class of people from multiple racial and ethnic backgrounds, but it has also contributed to the emergence of distinct political Guatemalan diaspora organizations in the U.S. at the community, national, and transnational level. Furthermore, due to historical social relations in Guatemala, organizations have emerged in Southern California along ethnic, racial, and gender lines. Moreover, activism emerges within destination countries because exploitation and exclusion take on distinct forms beyond the specific economic and political forces that generate displacement in migrants’ origin countries. As such, these organizations have made significant contributions by safeguarding the human rights of Guatemalan migrants in the U.S. and have emerged based on the differences and inequalities faced by indigenous communities compared to non-indigenous (mestizo/ladino) groups as they and their organizations endure processes of “exclusionary inclusion” in the U.S.

Scholarship on Roman political thought and its legacy, especially anglophone, has rapidly expanded over the last decade. The main drivers of this renewed attention to Roman political ideas and institutions are an historical interest in the collapse of the Roman republic; a philosophical interest in republicanism; and a growing sensitivity to the originality of Roman thinkers, especially Cicero, in contrast to the older view that they were simply derivative of the Greeks. In this essay I will discuss recent publications on Cicero and Roman political ideas. After offering an overview of key themes in this new scholarship, I seek to suggest promising directions for future research and encourage the growing interest in Roman political thought and Cicero in particular. Cicero provides a fascinating link between ideas, institutions and action on the ground and he is therefore with good reason at the centre of much of the rapidly expanding literature on Roman political thought. In addition, given his interest in developing a theory of justice as the foundation of the state (res publica), a focus on Cicero will help explore the legacy of republicanism from the angle of his ideas about justice while paying attention to scholarship placing these ideas into their historical and institutional context.

The polar regions are famous for being inhospitable, difficult to access, and one of the final frontiers for exploration. The late 19th and early 20th centuries were filled with explorers seeking the achievement of being the first person to the Pole. These harrowing stories have action and adventure but lack a critical component: women. Women historically have not played a primary role in polar research or exploration. Many barriers to access existed such as prejudice, lack of education opportunity, and physical restrictions. Today, women have better access to the Antarctic and Arctic for research and research support but still face barriers to equitable participation. A “boys club” environment in stations can lead to women being excluded or subjected to sexual harassment. Despite this, the addition of women is shown to improve team dynamics, morale, and the culture within research stations. Women’s representation in polar research is better today than it’s ever been, yet there is still improvement being made for the future.

After the Great Financial Crisis of 2008, the United States (U.S.) and the European Union (EU) issued new domestic rules across a variety of financial services. Different politics and policy-making processes generated regulatory incompatibilities, and conflicts emerged as each side insisted the other adapt to its approach. Yet our original data covering eleven sub-sectors show that in a predominant cluster of cases, the two jurisdictions had by 2020 made adjustments and adopted integrationist regulation, which fosters cross-jurisdictional interoperability for financial companies through harmonization (increasing similarity and compatibility) or deference (accepting the regulation of other jurisdictions). The pattern has broad and surprising implications for the future of global finance in an era of rising economic nationalism and populist politics. Why, then, did Washington and Brussels move beyond the standoffs? What accounts for the integrationist turn? Our novel explanation features a “mutual accommodation” causal mechanism driven by the development in both jurisdictions of “border-policing” capacities, builds on a new generation of IPE research that is attentive to complexity and temporal process in accounting for global governance outcomes, and provides a pathway for qualitative researchers seeking to balance many new methodological and transparency demands.

The “revolutionary script” of Leninism was foundational to how the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cabo Verde (PAIGC) and Amilcar Cabral imagined the course of decolonization. Under-utilized archives and party documents highlight that the impact of the political-organizational model of Lenin was an early source of inspiration for PAIGC leaders, a fact which historians have not investigated in detail. The manner in which Leninism influenced the PAIGC was neither linear nor dogmatic, however. Dating from early exposure to Marxist texts in underground study circles to aborted attempts at launching armed struggle, party leaders constantly improvised upon the script with which they based their anti-colonial revolution.

Parents involved with child protective services (CPS) often face stressors that compromise their parenting; thus, it is critical to identify sources of resilience at multiple ecological levels. This study leveraged cross-sectional data from a study of CPS-involved parent-child dyads (N = 129). Most parents identified as having a minoritized racial/ethnic identity and as having low income. Parent responsive involvement, constructive discipline, and problematic discipline were coded from observations of parent-child interactions when children were approximately 4 years old (M = 4.19 years, SD = .34; 45.7% female). Neighborhood resource availability was assessed using the Childhood Opportunity Index, a publicly available measure of resources in a given census tract. Parental attachment was coded from the Adult Attachment Interview. Greater neighborhood resource availability and secure-autonomous parental attachment were associated with reduced problematic discipline. Additionally, parental attachment moderated the link between neighborhood resource availability and responsive involvement, such that autonomous parents in more resourced neighborhoods demonstrated strengths in positive, warm parenting. These findings highlight the potential of neighborhood resources and secure attachment to strengthen parenting, even in the face of adversity, supporting the resilience of families in marginalized communities.