Much of the existing philosophical literature on BDSM focuses on questions about the ethics of BDSM. But there is an underlying question here regarding the nature of BDSM, one which remains largely unaddressed. In this paper, I take that metaphysical question to be prior to the normative one. In other words: it will be important to have a clear view of what BDSM is before we go on to evaluate it. Accordingly, this is a paper about the nature of BDSM and BDSM activities: what they are like, what makes them unique, and the ways in which these activities might be valuable. Here, I work from the philosophical literature on games to analyze structured erotic encounters (or “scenes”) in BDSM. In the first half of the paper, I argue that BDSM scenes are games, and that understanding them in this way yields important insights into the roles of agency, autonomy, and value in BDSM. In the second half of the paper, I map points of connection between this view of scenes-as-games and the existing literature on BDSM in sexual ethics, in order to illuminate the ways in which a moral evaluation of BDSM scenes might proceed from this analysis.

One of the main features of Gilles Deleuze’s lectures of 1981 concerns the importance accorded to the notion of modulation as a philosophical definition of painting. The novelty of such a framework lies in the correspondences established between analogical operations and artistic spaces of Western art. This article establishes the main moments of this analysis and thus point out its main technical, historical, and aesthetic implications. Ultimately, the notion of modulation is considered as the conceptual operator of a “heterogenetic” history of art within the framework of Deleuze’s philosophy.

Motivated by the study of algebraic classes in mixed characteristic, we define a countable subalgebra of ${\overline {\mathbb {Q}}}_p$ which we call the algebra of André’s p-adic periods. The classical Tannakian formalism cannot be used to study these new periods. Instead, inspired by ideas of Drinfel’d on the Plücker embedding and further developed by Haines, we produce an adapted Tannakian setting which allows us to bound the transcendence degree of André’s p-adic periods and to formulate the p-adic analog of the Grothendieck period conjecture. We exhibit several examples where special values of classical p-adic functions appear as André’s p-adic periods, and we relate these new conjectures to some classical problems on algebraic classes.

The secessionist state of Biafra enacted a propaganda campaign that simultaneously built support for its war of independence (the Nigerian Civil War, 1967–1970) and fostered nationalism. Integral to this effort, although understudied, were the currency, stamps, posters, and cartoons artists produced while working for the government. Putting these materials in dialogue with print and radio propaganda, and the Ahiara Declaration (the culminating treatise of Biafran nationalism), this article demonstrates how visual propaganda actualized a nation, constructed national identity, positioned Biafra as a foil to an irredeemable Nigeria, and defined a citizenry. Through the materials they created, artists shaped Biafra’s national consciousness.

Legislative term limits garnered public support because they promised to drain the swamp, removing entrenched incumbents from office. There is often a partisan dimension to this appeal since “the swamp” that is to be “drained” has often been controlled by one party for a lengthy period. However, it remains unclear to what extent term limits realign partisanship within US state legislatures. Using newly available turnover data, this research evaluates how legislative partisanship shifted after the implementation of term limits in state legislatures and continued over 20 years. The initial surge effects of term limits did appear to level the playing field between parties. The passage of term limits reversed party majorities in state legislatures, primarily benefiting newfound Republican majorities. These findings have important implications for current understandings of legislative term limits, as more states revisit these proposals, and provide insight into party trends at the state legislative level.

Discussions of term limits are happening in the United States and abroad. In July 2024, President Biden announced his support for limiting the number of years that federal judges may serve. Surveys suggest that limits for judges are popular with Americans.1 Relatedly, voters have historically supported term limits for members of Congress, with the most recent survey (from July 2023) finding support among 87%.2 For now, limits are unlikely to be imposed on federal judges or members of Congress, but there are recent changes in the states. Voters in North Dakota imposed limits on their state legislators in 2022, and those limits will take effect in 2028. In Michigan, also in 2022, voters shortened the long-standing lifetime limits for their legislators from 14 to 12 years. Discussions or reforms, including the elimination of limits, have also occurred outside of the United States. In Russia, voters seemingly reset the term limits that applied previously to President Vladimir Putin, thereby allowing him to serve in office until 2036. In China, where limits for various leaders including the president were first added to the country’s constitution in 1982, limits were abolished in 2018. Although these are prominent examples of limits being lifted, a remarkable number of new limits have been enacted elsewhere, with limits on executives being imposed in 17 countries within the past decade alone. To date, only a handful of countries, most of which are in the Americas, have legislative limits.3 Conversely, nearly every country limits the service of judges.4

Flavonoids are a key class of polyphenols, i.e., phytochemical compounds present in foods and beverages, which have been described as having health benefits in preventing several chronic diseases. Estimating flavonoid intake has already been conducted in several countries but has yet to be performed in Portugal. This study included 5005 participants aged 3–84 years and aimed to estimate dietary flavonoid intake in the Portuguese population, using data from the National Food and Physical Activity Survey 2015–2016, providing information on intake, main food contributors and the socio-demographic factors associated with the intake. Food intake data from the survey was converted to flavonoid intake using a database built to include the most updated USDA databases on flavonoids, isoflavones and proanthocyanidins and the Phenol-Explorer database. The rationale for combining food consumption data and different flavonoid databases using the FoodEx2 classification system was established. Linear regressions assessed the associations between socio-demographic factors and dietary flavonoid intake. The total flavonoid intake of the Portuguese population was estimated to be 107·3 mg/d. Flavanols were the most representative subclass, followed by flavonols, anthocyanidins, flavanones, flavones and isoflavones. Fruits and vegetables were the primary food contributors, providing 31·5 % and 12·4 % of the total flavonoid intake. Adolescents had the lowest total flavonoid intake, and older adults had the highest. This study provides information on the Portuguese population’s dietary flavonoids, allowing for international comparisons. It can also streamline forthcoming investigations into the link between flavonoid consumption and its impact on health, contributing to the future establishment of dietary reference values.

This article traces the conceptual history of key terms used to describe and criticize bad political regimes, focusing on the displacement of “tyranny” by “dictatorship” and “authoritarianism.” Classical Greek thought understood tyranny primarily in terms of the character of rulers, whereas the modern idea of dictatorship emerged from a Roman conceptual framework that focused on authority and its legitimation. New problems of legitimation in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries diminished the utility of the character-centric concept of tyranny and increased the fruitfulness of dictatorship for political analysis. The emergence of the modern state in the nineteenth century shaped the conceptual field by increasing the salience of problems concerning the appropriation or usurpation of sovereignty, the distortion of popular legitimation and accountability, and the incentives for submission to illegitimate orders. I conclude that the use of “authoritarianism” is likely to increase in prominence, but that retaining multiple regime concepts enriches analysis.

As the Arctic warms and growing seasons start to lengthen, governments and producers are speculating about northern “climate-driven agricultural frontiers” as a potential solution to food insecurity. One of the central ecological factors in northern spaces, however, is permafrost (perennial frozen ground), which can drive cascading environmental changes upon thaw. Considering the land requirements for expanded agriculture and the unique challenges of northern farming, national and subnational governments are grappling with and facilitating this speculative boom in different ways. Analysing agricultural land use policy instruments from the US State of Alaska and the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) in Russia, this paper investigates if and how permafrost factors into their legal frameworks and what impacts this has on agricultural development, conservation, and food security. Alaska and the Republic of Sakha were chosen for reasons including both having at least 100 years of agricultural history on permafrost soils, both containing extensive amounts of permafrost within their landmasses and both containing permafrost that is ice-rich. Comparing legal texts as indicative of state capacities and strategies to govern, the paper finds that the two regions diverge in how they understand and regulate permafrost, and suggests that these approaches could benefit from one another. Bringing together geoclimatic and sociocultural concerns to problematise static policy divisions, this paper gestures to a path forward wherein subnational policy can balance needs for food, environmental, and cultural security in the North.

Although it is largely overlooked, Thomas Hobbes spent the final years of his life translating Homer’s epic poetry. Despite an overwhelmingly popular extant English edition of the Iliad by George Chapman, Hobbes chose to proffer his own account, often taking great liberties with the source material. Juxtaposed against Chapman’s translation, we see that Hobbes implicitly critiques the political philosophy it commends—a philosophy which disrespects kingly power, misunderstands sovereign authority, and abdicates human virtue. Hobbes sees these elements as corrupting the poetic imagination of England, precipitating much of the unrest we see in the seventeenth century. In correcting and reframing these tales for a new world, Hobbes provides a moral scaffolding for his political philosophy through one of the most widely read classical texts of his time.

We contribute to the study of generalizations of the Perfect Set Property and the Baire Property to subsets of spaces of higher cardinalities, like the power set ${\mathcal {P}}({\lambda })$ of a singular cardinal $\lambda $ of countable cofinality or products $\prod _{i<\omega }\lambda _i$ for a strictly increasing sequence $\langle {\lambda _i}~\vert ~{i<\omega }\rangle $ of cardinals. We consider the question under which large cardinal hypothesis classes of definable subsets of these spaces possess such regularity properties, focusing on rank-into-rank axioms and classes of sets definable by $\Sigma _1$-formulas with parameters from various collections of sets. We prove that $\omega $-many measurable cardinals, while sufficient to prove the perfect set property of all $\Sigma _1$-definable sets with parameters in $V_\lambda \cup \{V_\lambda \}$, are not enough to prove it if there is a cofinal sequence in $\lambda $ in the parameters. For this conclusion, the existence of an I2-embedding is enough, but there are parameters in $V_{\lambda +1}$ for which I2 is still not enough. The situation is similar for the Baire property: under I2 all sets that are $\Sigma _1$-definable using elements of $V_\lambda $ and a cofinal sequence as parameters have the Baire property, but I2 is not enough for some parameter in $V_{\lambda +1}$. Finally, the existence of an I0-embedding implies that all sets that are $\Sigma ^1_n$-definable with parameters in $V_{\lambda +1}$ have the Baire property.

The notion of a strongly dense subgroup was introduced by Breuillard, Green, Guralnick and Tao: a subgroup Γ of a semi-simple $\mathbb{Q}$ algebraic group $\mathcal{G}$ is called strongly dense if every pair of non-commuting elements generate a Zariski dense subgroup. Amongst other things, Breuillard et al. prove that there exist strongly dense free subgroups in $\mathcal{G}({\mathbb{R}})$ and ask whether or not a Zariski dense subgroup of $\mathcal{G}(\mathbb{R})$ always contains a strongly dense free subgroup. In this paper, we answer this for many surface subgroups of $\textrm{SL}(3,\mathbb{R})$.

In institutional design, public policy and for society as a whole, securing freedom of choice for individuals is important. But how much choice should we aim for? Various theorists argue that above some level more choice improves neither wellbeing nor autonomy. Worse still, psychology research seems to suggest that too much choice even makes us worse off. Such reasons suggest the Sufficiency View: increasing choice is only important up to some sufficiency level, a level that is not too far from the level enjoyed by well-off citizens in rich liberal countries today. I argue that we should reject the Sufficiency View and accept Liberal Optimism instead: expanding freedom of choice should remain an important priority even far beyond levels enjoyed in rich liberal countries today. I argue that none of the arguments given for the Sufficiency View work. Neither psychological evidence nor any broader social trends support it. If anything, they support Liberal Optimism instead. I also show why further increases are possible and desirable, and sketch some implications for debates around immigration, economic growth, markets and the value of community.

Comparative speech-act studies have found that British English directives tend to include the pragmatic marker please at about twice the rate of American English directives. Nevertheless, lexical please is often as frequent in American English corpora as in British ones – indicating that sincere directives are only part of this pragmatic marker’s story. This article reports on British and American please usage in the Corpus of Global Web-based English (GloWbE; Davies 2013). GloWbE shows similar numbers of non-verbal please on American and British websites, but also differences in what please is used for. This contributes to a larger picture of pragmatic variation in which British English uses a more bleached and routine please, whereas American please might be more at home effecting im/politeness in contexts of greater face-threat.

Unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) formations for bearing-only passive detection are increasingly important in modern military confrontations, and the array of the formation is one of the decisive factors affecting the detection accuracy of the system. How to plan the optimal geometric array in bearing-only detection is a complex nondeterministic polynomial problem, and this paper proposed the distributed stochastic subgradient projection algorithm (DSSPA) with layered constraints to solve this challenge. Firstly, based on the constraints of safe flight altitude and fixed baseline, the UAV formation is layered, and the system model for bearing-only cooperative localisation is constructed and analysed. Then, the calculation formula for geometric dilution of precision (GDOP) in the observation plane is provided, this nonlinear objective function is appropriately simplified to obtain its quadratic form, ensuring that it can be adapted and used efficiently in the system model. Finally, the proposed distributed stochastic subgradient projection algorithm (DSSPA) combines the idea of stochastic gradient descent with the projection method. By performing a projection operation on each feasible solution, it ensures that the updated parameters can satisfy the constraints while efficiently solving the convex optimisation problem of array planning. In addition to theoretical proof, this paper also conducts three simulation experiments of different scales, validating the effectiveness and superiority of the proposed method for bearing-only detection array planning in UAV formations. This research provides essential guidance and technical reference for the deployment of UAV formations and path planning of detection platforms.

In this article, we delve into the optimal scheduling challenge for many-to-many on-orbit services, taking into account variations in target accessibility. The scenario assumes that each servicing satellite is equipped with singular or multiple service capabilities, tasked with providing on-orbit services to multiple targets, each characterised by distinct service requirements. The mission’s primary objective is to determine the optimal service sequence, orbital transfer duration and on-orbit service time for each servicing satellite, with the ultimate goal of minimising the overall cost. We frame the optimal scheduling dilemma as a time-related colored travelling salesman problem (TRCTSP) and propose an enhanced firefly algorithm (EFA) to address it. Finally, experimental results across various scenarios validate the effectiveness and superiority of the proposed algorithm. The principal contribution of this work lies in the modeling and resolution of the many-to-many on-orbit service challenge, considering accessibility variations — a domain that has, until now, remained unexplored.