In this article, I explain how ideology in Russia’s war against Ukraine has been formulated within specific genres and discourses that are reminiscent of the carnivalesque. Mikhail Bakhtin’s concept of carnival has often been used to conceptualise forms of democratic resistance to authoritarianism. Yet alternative readings have always questioned this notion of carnival as liberation, and instead present the Bakhtinian carnival as a potential space and time of violent lawlessness and transgression. I use these contested readings to argue that ideology in Russia’s war is articulated and enacted through the carnivalesque, using forms of transgressive humor, grotesque imagery, and profane language. I use evidence from Russian social media channels, broadcast media, official discourse, and cultural production to support this Bakhtinian framing. The carnivalesque framing of wartime ideology enables Russia to mobilise and demobilise different parts of society simultaneously. It permits social distancing from the war for the Russian public, and enables the leadership to blur and obfuscate ideological tenets, while legitimising the creation of a space of exception in Ukraine, in which transgressive practices are normalised. In this way, carnival is a highly effective discursive mechanism for the transition during wartime to a more consolidated ideological regime in Russia.

This article examines how activists established intellectual ‘liberated areas’ by preserving and making available documents on the history of resistance in Kenya. Historical records of resistance to imperialism which had been meticulously kept by the Mau Mau, including its own library in the forest, were destroyed by the British while records kept by the British colonial administration of their own actions were burnt, deleted and dumped in the Indian Ocean. Other records were sent to London and were hidden for years. The British practice of destroying and distorting information was passed on to the government of Kenya after independence. The official history of Kenya ignores or downplays resistance to capitalism and imperialism by its people. The Kenya Resistance Archives have been rescued, collected and established by political activists, thus providing a lesson that it is possible for librarians, archivists and information scientists to remain true to their professional values if they take on the additional dimension of activism and work outside the capitalist framework.

This article examines a fundamental transformation in thirteenth-century theory of science by tracing the shifting role of the subiectum scientiae in scholastic theology. While Aristotelian epistemics defined a science through a unitary subject conceived as a logical genus, medieval debates—especially within the Parisian university context—revealed increasing tensions when applying this framework to theology. Focusing on key figures such as Robert Kilwardby, Thomas Aquinas, and Giles of Rome, the article reconstructs an epistemological turn whereby the subject of science was progressively reinterpreted in relation to the intellect and its objects. Kilwardby’s essentialist redefinition of the subject as a unified nature laid the groundwork for this development. Aquinas advanced it further by integrating the notion of obiectum and emphasizing the role of the intellect, introducing a dual account in which both subject and formal object contribute to the unity of a science. The decisive shift occurs in Giles of Rome, who effectively collapses the distinction by identifying the subject with the principal object of cognition, thereby centering epistemology on the relation between intellect and object. This reorientation foregrounded the limits of human cognition and intensified debates about the scientific status of theology, particularly in contrast to divine and beatific knowledge. The article argues that these developments culminate in an emergent notion of “subjective science,” wherein the identity and validity of scientific knowledge become inseparable from the capacities of the knowing subject. This medieval trajectory, far from being anachronistic, offers a historically grounded account of the epistemic conditions that anticipate later conceptions of subjectivity.

Van der Auwera and Plungian’s map of possibility and necessity paths, the main topic of the workshop from which this special issue emerged, offers a rearrangement of Bybee et al.’s data on grammaticalization paths in the domain of modality along three dimensions: necessity vs. possibility, pre-modal vs. modal vs. post-modal, and participant-internal vs. participant-external. In this article, I will argue for a different interpretation of ‘post-modality’ and a different model for dealing with the data. With respect to the pre-modal/modal/post-modal distinction, I will point out that most of the ‘post-modal’ functions are in fact still modal. Furthermore, I will point out that the overall direction of change is not towards ‘non-modal’ but rather an increase in discourse orientation. At the late stages in the development of modal meaning, dubbed as ‘post-modal’ in van der Auwera and Plungian, it signifies a shift toward meanings and functions that contribute to the construction of discourse. Additionally, in various hierarchical models of grammar, modal expressions unidirectionally shift into higher positions that correspond to a higher degree of discourse orientation, thus providing independent confirmation for the model of change proposed here.

This article examines how Asianism was locally reconfigured and politically mobilized in late Qing China through the activities of Tang Caichang (1867–1900). Rather than treating Asianism as a coherent ideology of regional unity, it shows how Tang transformed it into a flexible political language that linked racial survival, Sino-Japanese cooperation, and revolutionary action. Drawing on the concepts of tongzhong (racial fusion) and qiangzhong (racial strengthening), Tang recast Asianism as a Han-centred project of national revitalization and articulated a ‘Yellow Race Alliance’ as both an anti-Western and anti-Qing strategy. Through his leadership in the Promoting Asia Righteousness Association, the Shanghai Asia Association, the Zhengqi Society, and, ultimately, the Zili Army Uprising, Asianist discourse was progressively embedded in organizational and military structures that enabled its translation into transnational outreach, on the one hand, and domestic revolutionary mobilization, on the other. Unlike Japan’s state-led deployments of Asianism or Southeast Asia’s anti-colonial appropriations, Chinese Asianism was shaped by a dual imperative: resisting Western imperialism while simultaneously challenging the Qing dynasty’s legitimacy. By tracing this process of ideological vernacularization, the article demonstrates how Asianism acquired political life only when rewritten to fit China’s fractured institutional landscape. It thereby situates Tang’s practice within the broader history of Asian regionalism, highlighting how transnational ideas gained mobilizational force when recalibrated into locally resonant forms during China’s transition from empire to nation-state.

We make the case for incorporating a notion of time into causal directed acyclic graphs (DAGs). We demonstrate that nontemporal causal DAGs are ambiguous and obstruct justification of the acyclicity assumption. Assuming that causes precede effects, causal relationships are relative to the time order, and causal DAGs require temporal qualification. We propose a formalization via composite causal variables that refer to quantities at one or multiple time points. We emphasize that the acyclicity assumption requires different justifications depending on whether the time order allows cycles. We conclude by discussing implications for the interpretation and applicability of DAGs as causal models.

We examine how a more hawkish policy stance – defined as an above-median long-run inflation semi-elasticity of the policy rate – affects economic growth in 37 inflation-targeting (IT) countries. To this end, we estimate time-varying, bias-corrected forward-looking Taylor rules for all IT countries for which the data permit such estimation. Our results point to sizable growth effects, exceeding 0.8% annually, for countries with a more hawkish policy stance. This suggests that the growth benefits reported in the previous literature on inflation targeting are primarily driven by a small subset of countries that react more forcefully to inflation.

Teleparallel Gravity (TPG) is an alternative, but empirically equivalent, spacetime theory to General Relativity. In its modern formulation, TPG purports to be both a gauge theory of translations (G), as well as locally Lorentz-invariant (L). However, the reasoning invoked in order to implement (L) and (G) is often involved. As such, clarification of the reasoning upon which TPG proponents rely in constructing their theory is sorely needed. The present paper will address this need. It will also offer a succinct methodolog ical assessment of TPG as a theory per se.

This article examines the historical process from environmental to climate activism in Chile, showing how it has occupied an intermediate and dynamic position that connects the local and the global, often ahead of national policies. Through an ethnographic approach and a genealogical and historical methodology (reviewing primary newspaper sources and administrative records), complemented by nine in-depth interviews, this research analyses the trajectories, organisations and knowledge of activists in relation to national institutions and international governance. The study highlights processes of professionalisation, diversification of strategies and the creation of transnational networks, consolidating activism as a key actor in climate governance, although constrained by limited resources and the restrictions of the neoliberal model.

This exchange began in Chicago as a roundtable at the American Society for Church History’s annual conference in January 2026. It brought together scholars whose work has pushed the study of American liberal Protestantism in pathbreaking directions. In Chicago, we discussed how we came to study liberal Protestantism, how we defined the boundaries of this community, how we understood its place in American history and the history of liberalism, and the relationship between clergy and laity. After a lively conversation with an engaged audience, Church History invited the panelists to reflect further on these important questions and to print our discussion in this journal. The following exchange took place by correspondence during February and March 2026. We invited Thomas A. Tweed, who attended the original panel, to write a response. His thoughtful meditations on the meaning of “liberal” and “liberalism” appear after our exchange.

The distinction between bridge verbs, which allow long-distance questions out of their CP complement, and non-bridge verbs, which do not, is found in a range of languages. In the previous literature, this distinction has been variably attributed to the lexical semantic/discourse properties of the CP-embedding verbs, or the syntactic positioning of the dependent CP. In this study, we provide evidence for an alternative, learning-based account, whereby positive input evidence is needed for children to acquire the possibility of wh-dependencies across a CP-embedding verb, and to further generalize this property to all such verbs. We examine the bridge/non-bridge distinction in English and Mandarin, with a corpus analysis of child-directed speech and experimental evidence provided for each language. We demonstrate that while English shows a clear bridge/non-bridge distinction, Mandarin CP-embedding verbs are all bridge verbs for both argument and adjunct wh-dependencies. These findings are predicted by a difference in the structure of the input data available to English versus Mandarin children as they acquire long-distance wh-dependencies, along with the proposed learning-based account of the bridge effect.

Foreign language anxiety (FLA) has been widely studied over the past four decades, yet the effectiveness of anxiety-reduction strategies remains insufficiently understood. This article offers a critical review of research on FLA-reduction interventions, synthesizing the findings from experimental studies across four major categories: emotion regulation, cognitive restructuring, skill building, and classroom environment enhancement. While many strategies show promise, the field lacks a coherent, psychologically grounded framework for supporting anxious learners. Drawing on psychological theories including cognitive-behavioral, acceptance-based, and analytical frameworks and emerging Daoism-inspired psychological perspectives, this article argues for a conceptual shift in FLA research: from viewing anxiety as a surface-level symptom to be eliminated toward understanding it as a meaningful psychological signal that may reflect deeper learner-internal processes. The article proposes an interdisciplinary approach that integrates pedagogical practice with psychological insight, positioning anxiety as a potential catalyst for self-awareness and growth. Implications for language teaching and future directions for FLA research are discussed.