Given the centrality of immediate revelation to early Quaker theology, modern historians have often assumed that the first Quakers disregarded tradition. However, this article demonstrates that the early Friends frequently made historical arguments, both to launch and rebut polemical assaults. The Quakers did not, therefore, turn to history as the movement became increasingly conservative or respectable. Instead, they consistently claimed to be the true heirs of John Foxe’s Protestant martyrs. By maintaining that their movement represented the culmination of the tradition celebrated in the Acts and monuments, they were deeply engaged in the historiographical contests which constituted ‘England’s second Reformation’.

Who is particularly vulnerable to climate change, how do these vulnerabilities intersect, and what do they mean for climate litigation? For the European Convention on Human Rights, these questions have not yet been conclusively answered. Although recent climate rulings recognized the interdependence of human rights and climate change, the European Court of Human Rights has proven reluctant to engage with the fundamental inequity of climate change and the intersecting vulnerabilities that shape how groups and individuals experience its effects. The present article argues that the Court’s staunch refusal to think intersectionally led to its current, untenably high bar for individual victim status in climate cases. It engages critically with this refusal, arguing that the difficulty of issuing model judgments to face large-scale structural problems like climate change should not come at the cost of engaging with the intersecting vulnerabilities and inequalities at the core of such a case. In doing so, it invites a rethinking of vulnerability in the Court’s parlance.

We introduce the super Alternative Daugavet property (super ADP), which lies strictly between the Daugavet property (DP) and the ADP. A Banach space X has the super ADP if for every element x in the unit sphere and every relatively weakly open subset W of the unit ball intersecting the unit sphere, there are an element $y\in W$ and a modulus one scalar θ such that $\|x+\theta y\|$ is almost two. Spaces with the DP satisfy this condition, and it implies the ADP. We first provide examples of super ADP spaces that fail the DP. We show that the norm of a super ADP space is rough, hence the space cannot be Asplund, and we also prove that the space fails the point of continuity property (particularly, the Radon–Nikodým property). In particular, we get examples of spaces with the ADP that fail the super ADP. For a better understanding of the differences between the super ADP, the DP and the ADP, we consider the localizations of these properties and prove that they behave rather differently. As a consequence, we provide characterizations of the super ADP for spaces of vector-valued continuous functions and of vector-valued integrable functions.

The crime of rape has been postulated as an unlawful violation of an individual’s rights or interests. However, this article argues that sexual violence against women in Thailand was traditionally viewed as a breach of an interpersonal hierarchy. It was not until the modern criminalization of rape that lawyers attempted to identify the victim’s individual rights as the essence of the crime. By examining the legal techniques employed by these lawyers in drafting, implementing, and adjudicating the crime, the article contends that the voices and demands of female subjects of rape have been silenced or misplaced. The article will offer studies of legal techniques used by lawyers from various institutions in articulating rape and constructing its subjects from the 19th century to the present. This jurisprudence provides context for the current debate on sexual violence in Thailand and makes it possible to critically reassess the right-based conceptualization of rape law.

This article presents the first analysis in the literature that measures the economic benefit of drop-off recycling in terms of consumer surplus (CS). CS, a measure of the economic benefit that consumers receive from participating in economic activities, is estimated using a single-site travel cost method application based on survey data. Our findings indicate that the total CS residents of Monongalia County receive from drop-off recycling is $1,317,960 annually.

In many areas of oncology, cancer drugs are now associated with long-term survivorship and mixture cure models (MCM) are increasingly being used for survival analysis. The objective of this article was to propose a methodology for conducting network meta-analysis (NMA) of MCM. This method was illustrated through a case study evaluating recurrence-free survival (RFS) with adjuvant therapy for stage III/IV resected melanoma. For the case study, the MCM NMA was conducted by: (1) fitting MCMs to each trial included within the network of evidence; and (2) incorporating the parameters of the MCMs into a multivariate NMA. Outputs included relative effect estimates for the MCM NMA as well as absolute estimates of survival (RFS), modeled within the Bayesian multivariate NMA, by incorporating absolute baseline effects of the reference treatment. The case study was intended for illustrative purposes of the MCM NMA methodology and is not meant for clinical interpretation. The case study demonstrated the feasibility of conducting an MCM NMA and highlighted key issues and considerations when conducting such analyses, including plausibility of cure, maturity of data, process for model selection, and the presentation and interpretation of results. MCM NMA provides a method of comparative survival that acknowledges the benefit newer treatments may confer on a subset of patients, resulting in long-term survival and reflection of this survival in extrapolation. In the future, this method may provide an additional metric to compare treatments that is of value to patients.

This study uses data from the Corpus of Spoken Yiddish in Europe to compare the acoustic correlates of the length contrast in the peripheral vowels of two regions within the Central Yiddish dialect area: central Poland, considered the more conservative variety, and the Transcarpathian Unterland, hypothesized to have diverged from Polish Yiddish in the prewar period. Findings reveal smaller duration differences in [iː] versus [i] and [aː] versus [a] among Unterland speakers compared to speakers from Poland, with a gender effect in the Unterland showing smaller duration distinctions among women. The duration difference in [uː] versus [u] is significantly smaller than the other vowel pairs in both regions, likely reflecting its ambiguous phonemic status. Vowel quality shows no systematic differences between the two regions. The findings point to the possible influence of population mobility, dialect mixing, geopolitics, and multilingualism on vowel systems.

The paper proposes and studies new classical, type-free theories of truth and determinateness with unprecedented features. The theories are fully compositional, strongly classical (namely, their internal and external logics are both classical), and feature a defined determinateness predicate satisfying desirable and widely agreed principles. The theories capture a conception of truth and determinateness according to which the generalizing power associated with the classicality and full compositionality of truth is combined with the identification of a natural class of sentences—the determinate ones—for which clear-cut semantic rules are available. Our theories can also be seen as the classical closures of Kripke–Feferman truth: their $\omega $-models, which we precisely pin down, result from including in the extension of the truth predicate the sentences that are satisfied by a Kripkean closed-off fixed-point model. The theories compare to recent theories proposed by Fujimoto and Halbach, featuring a primitive determinateness predicate. In the paper we show that our theories entail all principles of Fujimoto and Halbach’s theories, and are proof-theoretically equivalent to Fujimoto and Halbach’s $\mathsf {CD}^{+}$. We also show establish some negative results on Fujimoto and Halbach’s theories: such results show that, unlike what happens in our theories, the primitive determinateness predicate prevents one from establishing clear and unrestricted semantic rules for the language with type-free truth.

This article explores the history and development of British manifestations of a Black diasporic anti-colonial anti-fascist political tradition that stretches across the twentieth century. It centers the experiences and reflections of Black activists and intellectuals in Britain, exploring their efforts to theorize about fascism as a manifestation of white supremacy. The article explores what we can learn about British society and political culture by returning to the overlooked and excluded experiences of Black British activists and intellectuals—in particular, their theoretical and physical encounters with what they called British “fascism” from the 1930s to the 1970s. Journeying from interwar anti-colonial Marxist political writing, Black periodicals in the 1950s and 1960s, to the publications of the British Black Power movement, the article ultimately argues that these encounters confront historians of modern Britain with a different and generative way of thinking about British racism and British fascism in relational terms.

This note offers a preliminary survey of archives containing photographic material – both digitized and nondigitized – related to northern Ghana. Despite the region’s historical marginalization, this condition has not necessarily resulted in a scarcity of sources. On the contrary, numerous archives preserve rich and underexplored photographic documentation. By identifying and describing key collections across institutions such as the White Fathers phototèque, the Ministry of Information in Accra, the University of Cambridge, the British Museum, the Bodleian Library, the Imperial War Museum, the National Archives in London, and the Smithsonian National Museum of African Art, this note seeks to illuminate underexplored visual sources.

How do voters react to new political actors? Recent research suggests that radical right party success can provoke electoral backlash. We argue that such backlash is not exclusive to the radical right but can emerge whenever new political actors disrupt the status quo. With very distinct policy positions and behaviour, Green parties were early disruptors of post-war party systems in Europe. Using first-difference and difference-in-differences designs with voting records from Germany, we show that Green party success provoked a conservative backlash. After the Greens entered state parliaments, the Christian Democrats gained support. Using additional evidence from election surveys, we find that Green party success reinforces feelings of animosity among conservatives, mainly driven by disapproval of the Greens’ behaviour. These results highlight a broader pattern of backlash against new disruptive political actors. Our findings are especially relevant as polarization and party system fragmentation intensify across many established democracies.

Climate policy remains inadequate even among leaders like the European Union. This is largely due to opposition from fossil fuel producers and heavy industrial sectors that are existentially threatened by decarbonisation. The rise of green industrial policy promises to advance climate policy by reducing this opposition and mobilising corporate supporters. But can climate policy strategies actually shift the balance of interest group mobilisation among expected winners and losers simply by using different policy instruments? I theorise that policy strategies (de)mobilise corporate interests through regulatory targeting. Corporations directly targeted by a proposed policy are more likely to lobby because of policy-specific informational advantages and more certain and immediate impacts. Compared to traditional climate policies that impose direct costs on fossil fuels, green industrial policies should therefore demobilise high-carbon firms and mobilise their low-carbon counterparts. I collect and code novel data on all corporate responses to online consultations in European Union climate and energy policy from 2017 to 2022. Dyadic regression analyses confirm that low-carbon sectors lobby mostly on green industrial policies while high-carbon sectors mobilise more around traditional climate policies, and that stakeholders are more likely to lobby when directly targeted by policies. These results document that climate policies can indeed determine climate politics, a finding that has implications for other policy areas characterised by business conflict and for interest group scholarship more broadly.

Climate change, urban expansion, and agricultural intensification are increasingly threatening the Netherlands’ in situ archaeological heritage, necessitating the use of advanced methodologies for effective detection, mapping, characterizing, and monitoring of archaeological sites. Over the past decade, significant advancements in sensor technologies for remote sensing and geophysics have emerged that offer more effective, noninvasive solutions in both terrestrial and maritime contexts. Despite their potential, the application and integration of these techniques in Dutch archaeological heritage management remain limited. The ARCfieldLAB project, launched in September 2022 as part of the European Research Infrastructure for Heritage Science, aims to bridge this gap. Its aims are to create a digital platform to disseminate knowledge on innovative sensor technologies, establish a network of archaeological practitioners and sensor specialists, and support multisensor case studies. It has generated strong enthusiasm for this initiative and for cross-disciplinary collaborations on national and international scales. Key challenges include the need for integration into the official Dutch archaeology quality standard protocols and the requirement of metadata standards and data archiving guidelines. Addressing these issues will require continuous investment and a long-term commitment but will have a significant positive impact on the effectiveness and quality of Dutch archaeological fieldwork.

Popular narratives suggest that the effects of Christian nationalism should be more heavily concentrated among white Americans. The academic literature on Christian nationalism largely reflects this take, often asserting that it is effectively white Christian nationalism. We question such pronouncements, as they have come without systematic analysis across the broad range of issue areas needed to justify subgroup segmentations. Utilizing national oversamples of Black and Latino Christians (alongside white Christians), we assess the relationship between standard measures of Christian nationalism and attitudes toward policies that vary in their degree of racialization. Our findings qualify typical narratives: consistent with a theory of Christian nationalism as sacralized in-group protection, we find effects that diverge by racial groups on racialized issues but otherwise converge. We close by discussing the implications of these findings and offering suggestions for future work linking race with Christian nationalism.

Alors que la constitutionnalité de la Loi sur la laïcité de l’État était contestée devant la Cour supérieure du Québec, détournant les regards pour les orienter vers la question du port de symboles religieux dans la fonction publique, se jouait un autre enjeu de laïcité sur un terrain inattendu. Les politiques gouvernementales de gestion de la pandémie de COVID-19 allaient en effet mettre à l’épreuve deux principes aux fondements de la laïcité québécoise – la séparation des Églises et de l’État ; la liberté de conscience et de religion –, sans que ces atteintes ne soient diagnostiquées comme telles. Cet article se penche sur cet impensé des débats récents sur la laïcité québécoise à partir d’un rappel de ses fondements historico-juridiques, puis d’une analyse des effets du dispositif juridique mis en place pour lutter contre la COVID-19 sur l’autonomisation de l’État à l’égard du religieux et la liberté de conscience et de religion.

Generative artificial intelligence (GenAI) has been heralded by some as a transformational force in education. It is argued to have the potential to reduce inequality and democratize the learning experience, particularly in the Global South. Others warn of the dangers of techno-solutionism, dehumanization of learners, and a widening digital divide. The reality, as so often, may be more complicated than this juxtaposition suggests. In our study, we investigated the ways in which GenAI can contribute to independent language learning in the context of Pakistan. We were particularly interested in the roles of five variables that have been shown to be particularly salient in this and similar contexts: learners’ Generative Artificial Intelligence-mediated Informal Digital Learning of English (GenAI-IDLE) participation, AI Literacy, Foreign Language Enjoyment (FLE) and Foreign Language Boredom (FLB), and their second language Willingness to Communicate (L2 WTC). Employing a structural equation modelling approach, we surveyed 359 Pakistani English as a foreign language (EFL) learners to investigate their interrelationships between variables. The results demonstrate that EFL learners’ GenAI-IDLE activity directly and positively influences AI literacy and FLE. Students’ AI literacy and FLE play a chain-mediating role in the relationship between GenAI-IDLE participation and L2 WTC. However, FLB lacks predictive power over L2 WTC. We discuss the implications of these results for language learning, in particular in low-resource contexts.