This article draws upon archival documents from Mexico's Nationalist Campaign to argue that the rise of radio, advertising, and consumer culture significantly shaped Mexican musical nationalism in the early 1930s. The Nationalist Campaign, led by Rafael Melgar, sought to promote the consumption of national products as a patriotic act to secure the nation's future amid the growing economic dominance of the United States during the interwar period. The campaign utilized radio broadcasts of speeches, slogans, and national music concerts to publicize a unified brand of national identity, aligning with the needs of modernizing the state economy and centralizing political authority through the newly formed PNR (Partido Nacional Revolucionario). This research seeks to explore the role of media, popular music, and consumer culture as an alternative track to Mexican musical nationalism, which has primarily been studied through art music.

In 2022, uptake of all seven Core Elements of Antibiotic Stewardship were reported by 83% of US long-term care facilities. Though 98% of facilities reported access to an electronic health record, less than one-third utilized it for tracking antibiotic use, suggesting opportunities to leverage electronic data for automated reporting.

We give a new proof of an unpublished result of Dale Peterson, proved by Lam and Shimozono, which identifies explicitly the structure constants, with respect to the quantum Schubert basis, for the T-equivariant quantum cohomology $QH^{\bullet }_T(G/P)$ of any flag variety $G/P$ with the structure constants, with respect to the affine Schubert basis, for the T-equivariant Pontryagin homology $H^T_{\bullet }(\mathcal {G}r)$ of the affine Grassmannian $\mathcal {G}r$ of G, where G is any simple simply-connected complex algebraic group.

Our approach is to construct an $H_T^{\bullet }(pt)$-algebra homomorphism by Gromov-Witten theory and show that it is equal to Peterson’s map. More precisely, the map is defined via Savelyev’s generalized Seidel representations, which can be interpreted as certain Gromov-Witten invariants with input $H^T_{\bullet }(\mathcal {G}r)\otimes QH_T^{\bullet }(G/P)$. We determine these invariants completely, in a way similar to how Fulton and Woodward did in their proof of the quantum Chevalley formula.

Much work is concerned with the effects of mainstream parties accommodating the positions of populist radical right parties. Little is known about the role of political rhetoric in mainstream party responses to radical right challengers though. This is a significant gap given the evident shifts in mainstream party discourse across European democracies. Using a pre-registered survey experiment in Germany, I analyze how voters react when mainstream parties engage in populist rhetoric and adopt radical right issue positions. Theoretically, I propose that voters, particularly those with populist attitudes, may use populist rhetoric as a heuristic when evaluating parties. I find that, in line with spatial theories of voting, voters penalize or reward mainstream parties based on their adoption of radical right positions, but that the use of populist rhetoric does not significantly impact voter evaluations. These findings demonstrate the relevance of programmatic party strategies in mainstream-challenger competition and cast doubt on the effectiveness of populist rhetoric.

While international investment law (IIL) and business and human rights (BHR) could have been one legal domain, they are today seen as distinct legal worlds. States’ National Action Plans (NAPs) on BHR, aimed at prescribing policies to realize the UN Guiding Principles, are one of the many places where this phenomenon can be observed. Embracing a Law and Political Economy (LPE) perspective, this article contributes to the existing literature by enhancing the understanding of how NAPs on BHR currently engage with the intersection between BHR and the international investment regime. This article is the first to offer an analysis of the integration of BHR with the IIL in all publicly available NAPs, through the lenses of Fineman’s ‘vulnerability theory’, which we relate to LPE. Our analysis shows that NAPs, while not binding, can in principle be mobilized for change. Yet, despite their relevance and potential, we have also shown that, in their current forms, these instruments tend to replicate the BHR/IIL separation. As such, they perpetuate existing power dynamics that favour foreign investors over other actors negatively impacted by foreign investments. The analysis also demonstrates that the limited recognition of the interplay between foreign investment and human rights in separate NAPs, coupled with restricted inclusiveness of affected stakeholders and states’ readiness to adapt their legal and policy frameworks, significantly hampers the ability of NAPs to foster the resilience of individuals adversely affected by foreign investment.

Mandatory thresholds for the accuracy of reported energy on food and beverage product labels do not exist in many countries. Accurate nutrition information is essential for ensuring nutritional adequacy among hospital patients. The aim of this study was to compare direct measures of energy of nutritional fluids provided in hospitals to values determined via manufacturers’ specifications. Nutritional fluids were identified as any liquid provided to hospital patients orally, enterally or parenterally, to deliver nutrition. These were categorised into six groups aligned to food/medical standards, including (1) local recipes, (2) pre-packaged general fluids, (3) supplementary fluids, (4) prescribed nutrition fluids – thickened, (5) prescribed nutrition fluids – oral/enteral and (6) prescribed medical nutrition – intravenous (IV) and parenteral. An equivalence testing statistical approach (±10 % thresholds) was used to compare energy values derived directly via bomb calorimetry against those obtained from manufacturer specifications. A total of sixty-nine fluids were measured. One-fifth (n 14) exhibited non-equivalent energy values, with the majority of these (n 11; 79 %) likely to contain less energy than that calculated from reported values. Almost all (34/35; 97 %) prescribed nutrition fluids (oral/enteral (20/20; 100 %), IV and parenteral (7/7; 100 %) and thickened fluid (7/8; 88 %) products were equivalent. In contrast, only 21/34 (62 %) non-prescribed fluids (local recipes (2/11; 18 %), supplementary fluids (4/5; 80 %) and pre-packaged general fluid (15/18; 83 %) products) demonstrated equivalence. Energy content of nutritional fluids prescribed to hospital patients typically aligns with manufacturers’ values. Consumption of non-prescribed fluids may result in lower energy intakes than expected.

Calves sold at weaning are the main source of income for cow–calf operations, and their survival should be a priority. Given this, the effective use of management practices for pregnant dams and calves to prevent calf mortality is essential; however, decision-makers often do not have access to information about the effectiveness of many management practices. A systematic review was conducted to summarize the evidence of the effectiveness of biosecurity, vaccination, colostrum management, breeding and calving season management, and nutritional management practices for preventing preweaned beef calf mortality. The population of interest was preweaned beef calves from birth until at least 3 months of age. The outcome of interest was general preweaning calf mortality with stillbirths excluded. Eleven studies were deemed relevant. Ten were observational cross-sectional studies, and one was a randomized controlled trial (RCT). The practices that were statistically significantly associated with calf mortality were intervening with colostrum in case a calf had not nursed from its dam or was assisted at calving, timing and length of the calving season, and injecting selenium and vitamin E at birth. More well-executed RCTs and cohort studies are needed to provide evidence of effectiveness and help support implementation of recommended practices in herds.

Malaria still poses significant risks, especially in India. In addition to averting behaviors, forests may help reduce mosquitoes in rural areas and, thus, the malaria incidence and mortality. However, the evidence is still scarce about the magnitude and value of this ecosystem service. To address this gap, we use a panel dataset for 2013–2015 and evaluate the impact of forest loss on malaria morbidity in India's rural areas. We find that, on average, the loss of 1 km2 of forest resulted in 0.16 additional deaths per 100,000 people. This translates into marginal values of forests for reducing malaria mortality of, at least, $1.26–85.9/ha/year in 2015 US$. Our results suggest that combining forest conservation and traditional anti-malaria policies like indoor spraying and insecticide-treated nets may be an effectual way to mitigate the malarial burden in India and elsewhere and offer insights about the value of potential payments for ecosystem services.

Affective ties encompass a broad family of emotional phenomena, including love, affection, attachment, and devotion. Affective ties may appear deeply personal, and they most certainly are. But they are also important resources for the exercise of political power in international politics – not only as vulnerabilities that can be exploited for coercion but also, and more significantly, as means to mobilise action and sacrifice. Viewed from the vantage point of political agents, affective ties are thus power resources whose distribution in the international system shapes their strategies and choices. Viewed from the perspective of the system, the international realm is not only characterised by struggles over material capabilities or ideas but also competition over affective ties. Correspondingly, nationalism is not simply an identity. It is a collection of techniques and practices for generating and capturing affective ties that has emerged as a highly effective contender in this contest, with crucial implications for how the international system is organised. That being said, other forms of eliciting affective ties also persist.

Loneliness may lead individuals to spend more time on the internet and increase the likelihood of experiencing internet-use disorders. Similarly, individuals with internet-use disorders may feel lonelier. In the present systematic review and meta-analysis, pre-registered in PROSPERO (CRD42023390483), we quantified associations between internet-use-disorder symptoms (e.g. internet gaming disorder and online gambling disorder) and loneliness. We searched PubMed, Web of Science, and an institutional database aggregator for references that compared degrees of loneliness in groups of individuals with and without symptoms of internet-use disorder. Means and standard deviations of loneliness, or alternatively, odds ratios, were transformed into Cohen’s d for statistical pooling through a random-effects model. After screening 2,369 reports, we extracted data from 23 studies. The total number of individuals across the studies was 36,484. Participants were between 13 and 30 years of age (median 20). The pooled difference between those with and without internet-use-disorder symptoms yielded a standardized effect (Cohen’s d) of 0.53 (95% CI 0.35–0.7). While heterogeneity was high, there was no indication of publication or small sample biases. Similar effect sizes were found when limiting to specific types of internet-use disorder symptoms. Moreover, meta-regressions did not show an effect of age, sex, or sample size. Individuals with symptoms of internet-use disorders scored 49.35 (43.84–54.85) points on the UCLA-Loneliness scale on average, compared to 43.78 (37.47–50.08) in individuals without symptoms of internet-use disorders (Standardized Mean Difference: 5.18, 95% CI = 2.05–8.34). Individuals with internet-use-disorder symptoms experience greater loneliness. The effect appears moderately sized.

During outbreaks of diseases like cholera, HIV/AIDS, H1N1, and Ebola, governments often impose international border restrictions (for example, quarantines, entry restrictions, and import restrictions) that disrupt the economy without stopping the spread of disease. During COVID-19, international travel restrictions were ubiquitous despite initial World Health Organization recommendations against such measures because of their limited public health benefit and the potential for imposing a range of harms. Why did governments adopt these measures? This article argues and finds evidence that governments use international border restrictions as security theatre: ‘measures that provide not security, but a sense of it’. Quantitative analysis of original data on states’ first border restrictions during the pandemic suggests that behaviour was not just driven by the risk of COVID-19 spread. Instead, nationalist governments, which are likely to be attracted to policies associating disease with foreigners, were more likely to impose border restrictions, did so more quickly, and adopted domestic measures more slowly. A case study of the US further illustrates the security theatre logic. The findings imply that overcoming or redirecting governments’ attraction to security theatre could promote international cooperation during global health emergencies.