This article is a review of the recent literature on generational differences in electoral behaviour. We first discuss several conceptual issues, after which we provide a description of the main findings in three fields: the role of generations in (1) turnout, (2) party choice and (3) the determinants of party choice. In the concluding section we discuss a number of overall patterns that emerge from this very rich literature. We also sketch some pitfalls and avenues for further research.

This article analyses the political economy of consumption in Poland during the crisis of 1980–1 through economic-policy debates among Communist Party and Solidarity experts. It asks how conflicts over everyday economic needs shaped political confrontation and the decision to impose martial law. The central argument is that the crisis resulted not from a simple failure of socialist production but from the erosion of a paternalistic system of allocating goods. This weakness was exposed both by Solidarity’s challenge to the state’s monopoly over defining scarcity and by the party’s own long-term consumer policies based on austerity as a recurrent instrument of governance whose implementation became politically blocked. The article outlines the systemic logic of socialist consumption, emphasizing accumulation, subsidized prices, and chronic allocation tensions, and examines late 1970s debates on needs and rational consumption. It then analyses the 1980–1 confrontation, showing how Solidarity legitimized consumer grievances yet resisted responsibility for stabilization, producing policy paralysis. Finally, it demonstrates how martial law enabled comprehensive austerity and price reform aimed at restoring financial stability and external creditworthiness. Based on Communist Party and Solidarity documentation, the article shows how struggles over consumption revealed structural limits of paternalistic governance under late socialism.

Some studies of the lived experience of religion in early Stuart England have argued for a historiographical overemphasis on doctrinal controversy, suggesting that attention to contemporary works of private devotion can dissolve categories of division in post-Reformation English Protestantism. However, in considering two such devotional texts—Daniel Featley's Ancilla Pietatis (1626) and John Cosin's Hours of Prayer (1627)—this article demonstrates the difficulty in separating devotion from polemic. Indeed, these prayer manuals cannot be understood outside of an extended interconfessional and intra-Protestant polemical exchange—a confessional conflict with powerful women, including Mary Villiers, Countess of Buckingham, and Elizabeth Cary, Viscountess Falkland, at the center. Here, attention to practical devotion does not elide categories of division within English Protestantism but rather highlights how such divisions were sharpened through competing devotional efforts aimed at court women in response to the theological uncertainty wrought by the Catholic dynastic matches of the 1620s. Finally, an extended examination of the activities and interests of Elizabeth Cary suggests that our understanding of the lived experience of religion for lay women must be expanded to include participation in theological controversy, offering a version of female religious agency that extends beyond private spaces of devotional practice.

In contrast to the ‘benign’ and ‘hostile’ forms of secularism found globally, many European states exhibit a distinctive model we term ‘discriminatory secularism’. In this arrangement, the state discriminates against certain minority religions while privileging religious majorities, creating an uneven religious playing field. Discriminatory secularism is justified not on the basis of religious ideology but on the basis of secularist principles. We argue that discriminatory secularism fosters a culture of hostility toward minority faith communities, increasing the likelihood of physical violence against them. Using cross-national data from European states between 2003 and 2017, we find that higher levels of discriminatory secularism are strongly associated with greater violence against religious minorities. These results remain robust across multiple model specifications and statistical techniques.

This research note investigates how the involvement of firms in American politics has developed over the past two decades. The central question is whether individual firms have become more active lobbyists compared to business associations in the US Congress over this period. Different subdisciplines in political science have various expectations regarding the evolution of firm lobbying. We test which perspective is most accurate. To evaluate the hypotheses, we use a novel dataset comprising approximately 180,000 instances of lobbying activity by different types of interest organizations across a wide range of sectors and issues. In our analyses, we trace both the relative activity of firms versus business associations and their centrality in lobbying networks. While most theoretical models in the literature suggest a rise of firm lobbying activity, our results highlight a strikingly stable pattern of firm lobbying activity and centrality within the US political system over the past two decades.

In order to meet the large gap between the number of people in Ghana experiencing a mental health condition and those receiving treatment, there is a great need for more psychiatrists in this country, particularly those with training in psychiatric subspecialties, to meet evolving needs. The Ghana Global Health Workforce Programme was designed to enhance psychiatric training in Ghana, by strengthening the capacity of general psychiatrists in specific subspecialties. The programme received positive feedback from both the psychiatric trainees and supervisors who attended, and was expanded into other low- and middle-income settings.

Giving animals the opportunity to exercise agency can improve their welfare, but horse owners and researchers may not be aware of the growing body of agency research in other animals, and studies on agency and choice in horses are scattered across disciplines and not connected to each other or to broader theory. This paper summarises research findings on management of domestic horses through the lens of animal agency and explores the potential applications of research on choice, control, and challenge in animals to improve the welfare of horses.

In the 1900 Paris Exposition Universelle, W. E. B. Du Bois deployed imperially charged terminologies such as “progress,” “nation,” and “civilization,” entangled with racism-imbued linear-progressive historiography. Rather than discounting Du Bois’s usage of these terms as a passive internalization of the imperial episteme, we regard Du Bois’s adoption of these terms (and curation in the exhibition more broadly) as a fruitful avenue for us to consider the methodological, theoretical, and public-sociological implications of using imperially entangled terms. Centering Du Bois’ embeddedness in collaborative epistemic communities and his socio-political context, we read his work for the Paris Exhibition of 1900 as a strategic response to the double crisis of social science and post-Reconstruction Black America. We argue that Du Bois subverted and dislocated the concepts of “progress,” “crisis,” and “nation” from their contemporary decontextualized usage to address grounded problems facing Black people in the United States and undertook this redefinition through his dialogic interactions with Black American and Pan-African activists of his time. With a plethora of images, statistics, books written by Black authors, photographs, and cultural artifacts, he provided a narrative of social development that challenged racial stereotypes and the developmental model favored by empire-states. Today, historical social sciences are also undergoing institutional and epistemological crises. Building on Du Bois’s subversive exhibit and adopting the conceptual framework of “reverse tutelage,” we argue that contemporary historical social scientists should also approach conceptual development and global linkages by being grounded in communities of resistance to grasp and recover radical potentialities.

The ongoing revolution in the field of genome editing (GE) has ignited intense debate around new genomic techniques (NGTs) in Europe. Their societal and ecological implications underscore their critical importance. However, the development and implementation of NGTs present significant challenges from a democratic perspective. Amid calls for democratizing NGTs governance, democratic innovations have been proposed as potential solutions. This paper investigates the efficacy of democratic innovations in democratizing NGT governance within the European context. Employing an assemblage democracy approach, we conduct an in-depth analysis of online documents and activities related to two important public engagement processes addressing NGTs in France and the United Kingdom. Our findings reveal context-specific challenges in each country and propose potential remedies to enhance democratization efforts. This research contributes to the ongoing debate on science governance and participatory democracy in Europe, offering insights for scholars engaged in the intersection of emerging technologies and democratic processes.

Network meta-analysis is the established method to pool evidence from multiple clinical trials and make direct and indirect comparisons between different treatments. To ensure its validity, one of the major assumptions requiring examination is that the different sources of information are consistent, which is to say that the direct and indirect effect estimates agree. There are at least three different aspects to consider: (1) the original effect sizes of the direct and indirect treatment effects and their relative contribution to the total evidence; (2) the difference between them and its associated uncertainty/significance; and (3) the type of difference between them, that is, whether the direct and indirect estimates agree that a treatment is beneficial or harmful. Current visualization approaches typically use forest plots or heat maps, but these are limited as at least one of the above aspects is usually absent. Furthermore, as the number of treatments in the network increases, these visualizations can become difficult to understand. We present a visualization that combines the three aspects without being too difficult to interpret, outline the mathematical background and provide the code to produce it in R.

This paper explores the political significance of intuitive eating as a self-care practice in the context of healing from anorexia and bulimia. Feminist philosophers have described how eating disorders emerge in socio-cultural contexts marked by an idealization of thinness, especially in women. Besides this, philosophers and sociologists have spoken about the connections between fatphobia, diet culture, racism, and sexism. Given these claims, I will argue that healing from these disorders can be framed as acts of political resistance. First, I present the notion of self-care and touch on its evolution from an ethical to a political ideal. Second, I describe the socio-cultural origins of the thinness ideal and of fatphobia to show they fuel eating disorders such as anorexia and bulimia. Third, I introduce Kate Manne’s conception of “bodily imperatives” and describe Audre Lorde’s framing of her struggles with cancer as acts of political resistance. This discussion supports the claim that the self-care practices anorectics and bulimics engage in to recover from disordered eating can be political in nature. Fourth, I entertain and respond to three objections to my view. I conclude that healing from disordered eating is not merely an individual act, but one full of political potential.

I examine the two careers of British colonial administrator and Pacific historian Henry Evans Maude (1906-2006) to illuminate continuities between the logic of late-imperialism and foundational modes of Pacific historiography. Maude worked as a colonial servant in the Gilbert and Ellice Islands Colony from 1929, where he instigated two coerced resettlement schemes. In 1957, he joined the Department of Pacific History at the Australian National University, where he championed new modes of history writing tailored to the era of decolonisation—especially “island-centred” ethnohistory and “participant history.” I argue that Maude’s visions of empire and of the past were deeply linked, and that imbrications between the two informed the practices of an emerging professional Pacific history during the 1960s. Modes of history-writing that would come to be understood as critical of older imperial histories, or even as anti-colonial, had their origins in colonial structures. At the same time, both of Maude’s careers evinced a colonial notion of futurity; he understood himself as a benevolent expert able to guide Indigenous peoples into eventual independence.

Functional neurological disorder (FND) is a blind spot in the training curriculum of the Royal College of Psychiatrists. It is a common and disabling disorder, and many patients have comorbid mental health diagnoses. This editorial argues that more training opportunities in neuropsychiatry would broaden trainees’ understanding of medical and social realities of people with FND and help guide services in the future.