In this article, we combine anthropological and legal approaches to interrogate the position and status of “victims” during Prosecutor v Al Mahdi at the International Criminal Court (ICC). Anthropological work on ontology and distributed agency provides a potential model for a broader reading of the category of victim. We then consider the war crime committed and propose an adapted application of international law sources on victimhood in order to develop a new legal-doctrinal approach that considers material objects and heritage as “direct victims” of violence and expands the range of possible “secondary victims” in ICC proceedings.

We consider the one dimensional 4th order, or bi-harmonic, nonlinear Schrödinger (NLS) equation, namely, $iu_t - \Delta^2 u - 2a \Delta u + |u|^{\alpha} u = 0, ~ x,a \in \mathbb R$, $\alpha \gt 0$, and investigate the dynamics of its solutions for various powers of $\alpha$, including the ground state solutions and their perturbations, leading to scattering or blow-up dichotomy when $a \leq 0$, or to a trichotomy when $a \gt 0$. Ground state solutions are numerically constructed, and their stability is studied, finding that the ground state solutions may form two branches, stable and unstable, which dictates the long-term behaviour of solutions. Perturbations of the ground states on the unstable branch either lead to dispersion or the jump to a stable ground state. In the critical and supercritical cases, blow-up in finite time is also investigated, and it is conjectured that the blow-up happens with a scale-invariant profile (when $a=0$) regardless of the value of $a$ of the lower dispersion. The blow-up rate is also explored.

The suspension of Palestinian work permits after October 7, 2023, exposed the long-standing fragility of Palestinian labor in Israel and illuminated the political purposes this labor regime serves. This article situates Palestinian workers within a historical continuum of exclusion and conditional incorporation that has structured Zionist and Israeli labor policy since the Mandate period. Drawing on archival, historical, and contemporary sources, we show that Palestinian labor has functioned not as a neutral economic exchange but as a central instrument of colonial governance.

We argue that Israeli labor policy toward Palestinians combines three interlocking logics—elimination, exploitation, and discipline—through which workers are rendered simultaneously indispensable to key sectors and permanently vulnerable to surveillance, disposability, and political sanction. The permit regime, tolerated informality, and externalized social reproduction constitute a technology of control that manages mobility while fragmenting collective agency.

By analyzing Palestinian labor as a colonial apparatus, the article contributes to wider debates on the coloniality of labor and demonstrates how labor regimes can be mobilized to restructure dependent economies and pacify subordinated populations.

This study investigates the transnational mobility of Iranian women pursuing higher education in South Korea, focusing on their motivations, adaptation, and postgraduation trajectories. Drawing on the influence of the Korean Wave since the 2000s, it examines how popular culture, gender constraints in Iran, and migration aspirations intersect. Despite their initial attraction to Korea’s global image, many face cultural barriers, discrimination, and restrictive visa systems that limit settlement opportunities. Consequently, some seek “onward migration” to third countries such as Canada or Germany. By situating these experiences within broader Iranian migration dynamics, the study highlights gendered dimensions of educational migration and the policy limitations shaping Iranian students’ transnational mobility.

This article examines the governance challenges of human genomic data sharing. The analysis builds upon the unique characteristics that distinguish genomic data from other forms of personal data, particularly its dual nature as both uniquely identifiable to individuals and inherently collective, reflecting familial and ethnic group characteristics. This duality informs a tripartite risk taxonomy: individual privacy violations, group-level harms, and bioterrorism threats. Examining regulatory frameworks in the European Union (EU) and China, the article demonstrates how current data protection mechanisms—primarily anonymisation and informed consent—prove inadequate for genomic data governance due to the impossibility of true anonymisation and the limitations of consent-based models in addressing the risks of such sharing. Drawing on the concept of “genomic contextualism,” the article proposes a nuanced framework that incorporates interest balancing, comprehensive data lifecycle management, and tailored technical safeguards. The objective is to protect individuals and underrepresented groups while maximising the scientific and clinical value of genomic data.

After a brief overview of Cassirer’s symbolic form argument, the discussion turns to one question: does Cassirer offer a lucid normative position in politics? My core argument is that he does not. Three arguments providing potential insights into his moral and political sensibilities are contested: the first concerns his The Myth of the State text; the second, the Bildung tradition; and third, his arguments on the contract and natural rights tradition. The latter argument, in particular, underpins the claim that Cassirer was sympathetic to liberalism. The concept of left-Kantianism is then examined in the context of the German socialist tradition.

We introduce a family of parsimonious network models that are intended to generalize the configuration model to temporal settings. We present consistent estimators for the model parameters and perform numerical simulations to illustrate the properties of the estimators on finite samples. We also derive analytical solutions for the basic and effective reproduction numbers for the early stage of the discrete-time SIR spreading process for our temporal configuration model (TCM). We apply three distinct TCMs to empirical student proximity networks and compare their performance.

In this article, we investigate the $L^2$-Dolbeault cohomology of the symmetric power of cotangent bundles of ball quotients with finite volume, as well as their toroidal compactification. Moreover, by proving the finite dimensionality of these cohomologies, through the application of Hodge theory for complete Hermitian manifolds, we establish the existence of Hodge decomposition and Green’s operator.

Do appeals to Black voters necessarily detract white voters from supporting the left? Extant studies have yielded mixed answers to this question by examining voter turnout data. We use two survey experiments to test how framing politicians as either supportive of or hostile to the #BlackLivesMatter (BLM) and #SayHerName (SHN) movements affected the willingness of voters to support them during the 2020 Senate runoff elections in Georgia. We find that Democratic-leaning respondents in both a national sample of Black respondents and a sample of White respondents in Georgia were more likely to support politicians whom we framed as supportive of the BLM and SHN movements. These findings illustrate the potential potency of messaging strategies grounded in racial justice themes for mobilizing Democratic-leaning voters in American elections.

We argue that the far-right is turning to law and legal institutions to institutionalize its extreme agendas but does so in the name of democratic values. Right-wing attempts to affirm and repress rights speak to the duality of democracy, often hinging on the perceived worthiness of rights along cultural and ethnic boundaries while still espousing equality for all. To understand and explain this phenomenon, we bring together socio-legal literature and far-right scholarship and focus on the understudied but significant Swedish case, often viewed as exceptional. We analyze critical events within the Swedish polity, such as the free speech crisis over the Quran burnings and recent reforms of the Tidö Agreement, the governing document of the right-wing coalition government, which is deeply influenced by the far-right Sweden Democrats. Empirical evidence shows how right-wing movements go beyond conventional right-against-rights expectations of authoritarian or strongman tactics to instead advocate for liberal values.

The past decade has seen a blossoming of emotion research in applied linguistics, which led to a deeper understanding of the crucial role both positive and negative emotions play in the context of foreign language (FL) learning. In this paper, we will outline a research agenda arising from the rich knowledge gained so far, which we hope inspires researchers to pursue future directions which we consider highly relevant for both researchers and practitioners alike. Firstly, we review the development of foreign language learner emotion research and identify research gaps. This will be followed by a discussion of four broad areas in which we perceive the pressing need for future research to advance our understanding of the role of emotions in foreign language learning. These include 1) the diversification of emotions studied, 2) a better understanding of emotion dynamics, 3) the need to diversify research contexts, and 4) bridging the research-practice gap. For each of these areas, we will outline tasks, taking into account the latest developments in theory and methodology, which we hope will advance our knowledge gained from this dynamic, thriving field of study.