To anticipate relationships between future climate change and societal violence, we need theory to establish causal links and case studies to estimate interactions between driving forces. Here, we couple evolutionary ecology with a machine-learning statistical approach to investigate the long-term effects of climate change, population growth, and inequality on intergroup conflict among farmers in the North American Southwest. Through field investigations, we generate a new archaeological dataset of farming settlements in the Bears Ears National Monument spanning 1,300 years (0 to AD 1300) to evaluate the direct and interactive effects of precipitation, temperature, climate shocks, demography, and wealth inequality on habitation site defensibility—our proxy for intergroup conflict. We find that conflict peaked during dry, warm intervals when population density and inequality were highest. Results support our theoretical predictions and suggest cascading effects, whereby xeric conditions favored population aggregation into an increasingly small, heterogenous area, which increased resource stress and inequality and promoted intergroup conflict over limited productive patches. This dynamic likely initiated feedback loops, whereby conflict exacerbated shortfalls and fostered mistrust, which drove further aggregation and competition. Results reveal complex interactions among socioclimatological conditions, all of which may have contributed to regional depopulation during the thirteenth century AD.

Archaeoastronomical studies accomplished in recent decades have revealed that the important civic and ceremonial buildings in the Maya area and elsewhere in Mesoamerica were oriented on astronomical grounds. The dates recorded by solar orientations, which prevail, and the intervening intervals composed easily manageable observational calendars that facilitated the planning of agricultural and related ceremonial activities in the yearly cycle. Here we argue that the orientations of several major buildings we measured at the archaeological site of El Palmar, Campeche, Mexico, either in the field or on visualizations of the lidar-derived relief model, reflect the same principles because they belong to widespread solar alignment groups previously identified in the Maya Lowlands. We also present ethnographic and ethnohistorical evidence that supports our interpretations. In addition, our results show that the orientations of more than a hundred minor structures in a broader area of El Palmar conform to those of major buildings, indicating that even less important structures reproduced, although approximately, the astronomically functional alignments. Along with several other Mesoamerican sites and areas where such emulations have been observed, the case of El Palmar demonstrates that the astronomically and cosmologically significant directions materialized in the built environment allow us to understand some prominent aspects of pre-Hispanic cultural landscapes.

Archaeologists in North America often think of the bow and arrow as appearing more or less instantaneously, a conception baked into many culture-historical schemes. However, this specialized technology likely has a more complex history. From a single Old World origin, it is thought to have spread throughout North America from the Arctic after about 5000 cal BP. From there, it seems to have moved from north to south, but the specific timing of the arrival of this important technology is not known in great detail throughout most of California. Rather than using typological or culture-historical categories to discern this technological replacement, this study plots salient artifact attributes from a large sample of projectile points from central and northern California through continuous time to provide more detail on the timing of the spread of this important prehistoric technology. Results suggest the bow and arrow entered northeastern California before 2000 cal BP and moved southward, arriving at the Sacramento–San Joaquin Delta as much as 1,000 years later. The changepoint analysis method introduced here should be broadly applicable to a wide variety of similar archaeological patterns.

This article furthers our understanding of commercial fishing on the lower Tiber during the Republic and Principate, arguing for a robust industry in the center of Rome. Literary references to the lupus fish and a fishing site “between the bridges” direct attention to the area of the river around the Cloaca Maxima and Tiber Island. Situating intensive fishing there requires reconciliation with other commercial uses of the river, a common-pool resource shared by users with divergent and competing needs. Epigraphic evidence offers insight into professional associations and attendant relationships that were leveraged in favor of the interests of both fishermen and barge operators. I contend that two separate navigation zones existed, to the north and to the south of Tiber Island, and that transport barges venturing inland from Ostia did not navigate beyond Rome’s southern wharves. This system enabled fishing and barge traffic to coexist, protecting numerous interests and allowing for the unimpeded transportation of goods.

Macella, specialized market structures built in various urban centers in Roman Italy and the provinces between the Middle Republic and the Late Antique period, have been interpreted widely as urban symbols of elite prestige and conspicuous consumption. While it is true that elites often acted as benefactors of these buildings and written sources emphasize the sale of luxury foods, documentary and archaeological evidence suggest that bureaucratic incentives played a crucial role in their initial establishment. This article presents a new interpretation of the development of macella and argues, in contrast to traditional views, that these markets were not primarily designed as spaces of luxury consumption catering exclusively to elite customers. Rather, they were conceived as physical and permanent institutional control mechanisms over urban food trade in an increasingly complex and integrated Roman economy.

The lessons of ancient rhetoric teachers encompassed not only the art of effective content and delivery, but also the skill of utilizing gestures and facial expressions to maximize the emotional impact of speeches. In this study, we present the outcomes of an analysis examining the visibility of rhetorical hand gestures performed at the speaking platforms of the Forum Romanum during the Late Roman Republic and the reign of Augustus. We consider the visibility of gestures as a proxy for the capacity of the speaking platforms, enabling us to delve into the oratorical taskscape of the Forum Romanum and its transformations. The results not only relate to specific events but also illuminate general trends. Our analysis reveals that the changes in the built environment of the Forum between the Late Republican period (ca. 54 BCE) and Augustus’s era reduced the number of individuals able to perceive the speakers’ gestures. The same changes led to a greater spatial division between audiences at the various venues at the Forum, potentially explaining the shifts observed in the oratorical taskscape there. Our methodology has the potential to contribute to comprehensive analyses of public rituals and ceremonies regardless of their location in space or time.

Three early Imperial reliefs with architectural façades, found in Rome’s Via Lata and referred to as the Valle-Medici reliefs, include representations of the temples of Mars Ultor and the Magna Mater. A third relief showing a tetrastyle Ionic temple is identified here as the aedicula of Victoria Virgo, constructed between the temples of Victoria and the Magna Mater on the Palatine. All three reliefs belong to a monumental altar, similar in scale to the Ara Pacis, that included scenes of sacrifice in the Forum of Augustus and on the southwest Palatine. The figural pediment of the Ionic temple shows three scenes representing different moments in the Trojan War. The design was probably intended to complement the adjacent temple of Magna Mater, whose cult was closely connected to Rome’s Trojan ancestry.

This paper presents excavation results from Nyabusora, northern Tanzania, conducted by M. Posnansky and W.W. Bishop (1959) and M. Posnansky (1961). Only preliminary reports have previously been published. It synthesises the site’s history, incorporating previously unpublished analyses and information from Posnansky’s original field notes, and presents new 2014 field survey results and new archival research. Nyabusora holds particular significance as the only Early to Middle Stone Age (ESA/MSA) site in the region to have yielded both lithic and faunal remains, which gain new relevance in light of recent developments in ESA/MSA archaeology in eastern Africa. Nyabusora’s ‘Sangoan’ lithic assemblage is now largely decontextualised and associated finds have been lost, so this study presents the only available lithic and faunal analyses, alongside interpretations of the stratigraphic sequence and site. Such stratified assemblages are exceptionally rare and are generally attributed to the Middle Pleistocene. This research enhances understanding of Plio-Pleistocene landscape evolution in the Kagera River and western Lake Victoria-Nyanza Basin. It contributes important new data on ESA/MSA lithic variability and, via ongoing investigations by Basell within the Kagera catchment, offers huge potential for clarifying Middle Pleistocene palaeoenvironments.

McEuen Cave (AZ W:13:6 (ASM)) is a large bedrock rockshelter located within an andesitic rocky ash flow tuff/ignimbrite within the Bureau of Land Management’s Fishhooks Wilderness Area near Fort Thomas, Arizona. Exceptional preservation at the site has produced an extensive assemblage of perishable artifacts, including a tremendous quantity of cultigen remains radiocarbon dated between 3600 BP and 1250 BP. In this paper, we provide the results of a new radiocarbon dating effort aimed at identifying additional early Silverbell Interval cultigens and clarifying the intensity and persistence of Early Agricultural Period occupation. Our goal is to better understand the age and extent of early cultivation activities within this high-elevation wilderness and contextualize the remains from this site with the more thoroughly understood co-eval Early Agricultural Period villages evidenced along major riverways such as the San Pedro and Santa Cruz in southern Arizona. [Spanish language abstract: La cueva McEuen (AZ W:13:6 (ASM)) es un gran refugio rocoso de lecho rocoso ubicado dentro de una toba/ignimbrita de flujo de cenizas rocosas andesíticas dentro del área silvestre Fishhooks de la Oficina de Administración de Tierras cerca de Fort Thomas, Arizona. La preservación excepcional en el sitio ha producido un extenso conjunto de artefactos perecederos, incluyendo una tremenda cantidad de restos de cultígenos fechados por radiocarbono entre 3600 BP y 1250 BP. En este documento, proporcionamos los resultados de un nuevo esfuerzo de datación por radiocarbono destinado a identificar cultígenos adicionales del Arcaico tardío-medio y aclarar la intensidad y persistencia de la ocupación del Período Agrícola Temprano. Nuestro objetivo es comprender mejor la edad y el alcance de las actividades de cultivo tempranas dentro de este desierto de gran altitud y contextualizar los restos de este sitio con las aldeas coeval del Período Agrícola Temprano mejor entendidas evidenciadas a lo largo de las principales vías fluviales como el San Pedro y el Santa Cruz en el sur de Arizona.]

This paper considers the complex entanglements from which stones and stone craftspeople emerged in the precolonial Maya world. Drawing from recent scholarship that emphasizes the relational and processual nature of making and knowing, it adopts a multi-practice perspective to explore how humans transformed limestone into knowable and workable materials and how, in turn, limestone transformed humans into knowledgeable and skilled individuals. Geoarchaeological, archaeometric, and experimental data from the central and northern Maya lowlands are combined to identify choices and preferences in selecting, extracting, and processing calcareous materials, and to examine what these reveal about past knowledge and skills. We then turn our attention to the ways in which quarry workers, lime producers, and toolmakers learned to work with stone. We argue that becoming attuned to limestone was a sociomaterial process that involved repeated interactions with both material elements and social actors. Our discussion highlights the active role of limestone not only in shaping learning experiences but also in facilitating connections between diverse practices, and thus contributing to a dynamic, interconnected landscape of knowledge.

The Portland Vase, housed in the British Museum, is the most important surviving example of “cameo glass,” datable to the early years of the Roman Empire. Until 1909, there was no doubt regarding the provenance of the vase. It was said to have come from the sarcophagus with scenes from the story of Achilles discovered in 1582 inside a large burial mound, the so-called Monte del Grano, which still stands at the fourth mile of the via Tusculana. However, in 1909, Henry Stuart Jones ruled out this provenance. The re-examination of the monument, which should be identified as the tomb of Alexander Severus, shows that the report of the provenance of the vase from the Monte del Grano sarcophagus is authentic. Similar conclusions can be reached from a re-examination of the vase itself, which suggests the two myths it depicts should be identified as the wedding of Peleus and Thetis and the afterlife of Achilles.

Late Iron Age and Early Roman human depictions are often thought to display stylistic influences from European La Tène art and, later, Roman classical art. However, with the analysis of metal figurines attributed to the period, many reported to the Portable Antiquities Scheme, this paper argues that some of these artefacts could include stylistic influences from an earlier wooden tradition, which appears to originate in the Bronze Age. This paper therefore presents a new hypothesis regarding the development of anthropomorphic art in later Iron Age Britain, whilst also highlighting the importance of contributions of data from the Portable Antiquities Scheme.

The Neolithic of the northeastern Iranian Plateau is defined basically by the materials recovered from the twin mounds of Sang-e Chakhmaq, the West Mound and the East Mound. The radiocarbon dates from these mounds span almost two thousand years, from around 7000 BCE to the last centuries of the sixth millennium BCE, with a chronological hiatus between ca. 6700–6200 BCE. Recent excavations at a proto-ceramic Neolithic site, Rouyan, in the vicinity of Sang-e Chakhmaq, provided occupational evidence, augmented by a series of Radiocarbon dates, which fill in the long-standing temporal hiatus of the Neolithic of the region. Both 14C dates and archaeological evidence from this excavation suggests that Rouyan was founded simultaneously with the West Mound of Sang-e Chakhmaq, but its occupation continued without discontinuity into the fifth millennium BCE. The excavation also yielded a small ceramic assemblage from the earliest deposits of the site, indicating the site’s first settlers were familiar with this technology as early as ca. 7000 BCE.

In this article, we present the first results from radiocarbon dating of the Kirakle-Tobe settlement located in the central part of the Volga River Delta, southern Russia. Archaeological artifacts and 14C measurements on charcoal indicate three stages of settlement development on the Kirakle-Tobe knoll. The oldest 14C age corresponds to the Late Sarmatian period—early 4th century CE. The abundance of archaeological artifacts associated with the 6th–8th centuries CE indicates a long period of occupation. The youngest 14C age presumably corresponds to the Khazarian period (9th century CE). These results suggest dynamic human activity in the central part of the Volga River Delta during the Great Migration Period. These initial results can be used to verify the impact of fluctuations in the Caspian Sea level on the Volga River Delta during the Great Migration Period.

We report a new relative sea level curve from Inglefield Land, northwest Greenland, to investigate the transition from maximum to minimum loading across Nares Strait. We sampled marine bivalves and terrestrial macrofossils for radiocarbon dating from raised marine terraces in Rensselaer Valley, Inglefield Land (78.58°N, 70.71°W) to constrain relative sea level through the Holocene. The oldest terrestrial macrofossil of 9010–8650 cal yr BP provides a minimum-limiting constraint for the deglaciation. Sea level fell rapidly from the marine limit at 85 ± 4 m to 37.5 ± 4 m above sea level (m asl) between 9010–8650 and 7970–7790 cal yr BP at a rate of 49 m/ka. The rate of sea -level fall decreased to 11 m/ka between 7970–7790 and 5320–5060 cal yr BP, when it fell from 37.5 ± 4 to 9 ± 4 m asl. After 5,320–5,060 cal yr BP, we estimate sea level fell at a lower rate of 2 m/ka to modern sea level. The period of fastest emergence in Inglefield Land is earlier in time than in Hall Land, reflecting earlier deglaciation, and is steeper than in Hall Land and Washington Land. This sea-level history captures the transition from the style of emergence from Pituffik to Hall Land.

We investigated radiocarbon dates of human bone samples from several medieval sites in Trondheim, central Norway. Stable isotope data was used to estimate marine correction for the radiocarbon dates, which is necessary to correct the radiocarbon ages and establish age models for the archaeological layers. We observed that a marine correction without ΔR does not lead to a well-defined model for all sites. Allowing a variable ΔR improves the model, which indicates that food sources and trade routes have changed over time, influencing the mobility of food resources as well as of people. However, this does not work for all sites, indicating that variation of reservoir ages could also be the result of individual preferences for the food and that fish with different ΔR, and thus different geographical origin, was consumed during the same periods. Many radiocarbon and stable isotope (δ13C, δ15N) measurements have been carried out for the project. We calculated %marine consumption from the isotope values and found that it varies greatly, between 7% and 51%, and apparently independent of period, social status, churchyard location or other factors. Based on these data, we determined average reservoir ages for the marine food consumed in Trondheim during different phases, varying between ΔR = –150 and 280 years.