Economic sanctions have inflicted various economic difficulties on Iranian families. The extent to which these sanctions-induced calamities have affected Iranian older adults’ material well-being remains unknown. Meanwhile, inadequate institutional support for the disadvantaged older population may worsen their precarious economic well-being. We use household-level surveys and quantile regression analysis to explore changes in Iranian older persons’ material well-being during the sanctions era. We also examine whether Iran’s pension system has alleviated the adverse effects of economic sanctions. Our investigation indicates that older adults’ material well-being decreases during sanctions. However, those without pension coverage are economically more vulnerable compared with pensioners. Among the non-pensioners, low-income and low-consumption ones are susceptible to relatively more considerable material well-being losses. To protect these vulnerable groups, policymakers should implement appropriate policy interventions, such as expansions in non-contributory anti-poverty schemes.

This article offers a review of John Conolly's book of 1847 concerning the construction and administration of asylums for the mentally ill, which gives detailed advice on the selection and management of staff and remarks on the role of the medical superintendent.

The Wehrmacht's stunning victories in the first three years of the Second World War produced a euphoric response among Nazi leaders. Suddenly, the East became a vast expanse of nearly limitless possibilities, and creating a new racial order topped the list. Although most historians have focused on the Volksdeutsche, the regime also planned to settle veterans after the war's conclusion to serve as model Germans, farmers, and a “living wall” to defend the East. As the war dragged on into 1942 and these men continued to fight, the regime turned to disabled veterans to garrison the East. The SS designed a racial selection process that proved too restrictive to generate enough applicants and, during 1943 and 1944, settlement officials revised standards. In the process, contingency, constrained practices, and contested ideology all cast the boundaries of race, gender, sexuality, able-bodiedness, and disability as much more malleable than Nazi propaganda projected.

Pursuant to Article 63 of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), a state may require other treaty parties to disclose their intellectual property case law ‘of general application’. While most domestic judgments in common law are indeed of general application, civil law systems theoretically employ judgments as reference only. Nevertheless, to value consistency and predictability, the hybridisation of civil law jurisdictions is increasingly leading them to devise special lists of judgments that acquire formal or factual binding status on lower-ranked courts. This trend is particularly evident in China, whose Supreme People's Court's ‘Guiding Cases’ join other specific categories of holdings within ‘Judicial Interpretations’ and further guideline documents that are factually binding domestically. When the United States and the European Union requested, through the World Trade Organization, that China disclose the full range of its case law of general application, China responded that civil law jurisdictions do not issue judgments that are binding beyond the parties. This article examines the limitations and merits of the Chinese stance.

This article builds on recent works which challenge the dichotomy between religion and modern urban planning. The article focuses on a case-study in the Alsatian city of Mulhouse during the nineteenth century. Over a period of 30 years, Catholic parishioners and clergy repeatedly petitioned the town’s Calvinist industrial and municipal elite for a church to be built in the paternalist cités ouvrières housing district, culminating in the eventual construction of the church of Saint-Joseph by 1883. Through a close analysis of the archival records of these petitions, the discussions they sparked and the shifting local and national political dynamics of the city, this article argues that religious groups used myriad tactics to engage in modern planning and that municipal authorities were won over by these tactics if they were politically expedient.

Cactoblastis cactorum (Berg) (Lepidoptera: Pyralidae), the cactus moth, is native to South America with a widespread distribution in Argentina. The larvae consume the interior of Opuntia spp. (Cactaceae) plants. The moth was used as a biocontrol agent against invasive non-native Opuntia spp. in many countries around the world. The cactus moth arrived unintentionally in Florida, USA, expanded its range and threatened Opuntia-based agriculture and natural ecosystems in southern North America. The insect is also a pest of cultivated O. ficus-indica L. in Argentina. An endemic South American parasitoid, Goniozus legneri Gordth (Hymenoptera: Bethylidae), is used in inundative biological control programmes against lepidopteran pests. The goal of this work was to evaluate G. legneri as a biocontrol agent to be used in inundative releases against C. cactorum. Mortality of C. cactorum by G. legneri was assessed at different spatial scales, as well as the interactions with Apanteles opuntiarum Martínez & Berta (Hymenoptera: Braconidae), a common Argentine natural enemy of C. cactorum. The ability of G. legneri to paralyse, parasitise and kill C. cactorum was confirmed. The paralysis inflicted on C. cactorum larvae reduced larval damage to the plants by 85%. Using two parasitoid species increased the mortality of C. cactorum larvae, but it was highly dependent on the order of their arrival. The combined mortality caused by both parasitoids was higher than a single one, in particular when G. legneri arrived first (56 ± 1%), suggesting asymmetric competition due to the preference of G. legneri attacking previously parasitised larvae. Goniozus legneri has potential as an inundative biocontrol agent of C. cactorum, but its interaction with the classical biocontrol agent A. opuntiarum needs to be considered.

This study evaluated the feasibility and safety of a telehealth delivered exercise plus plant-based protein diet in adults with non-alcoholic fatty liver disease (NAFLD). This was a 12-week, randomised controlled feasibility trial including twenty-eight adults aged > 45 years with NAFLD randomised to a home muscle strengthening program (3 d/week) with increased protein intake (target ∼1·2–1·5 g/kg/d) from predominately plant-based sources and behavioural change support (3–4 text messages/week) (Pro-Ex n 14) or usual care (UC, n 14). Feasibility was assessed via retention (≤ 10 % attrition), adherence (exercise ≥ 66 %; recommended daily protein serves ≥ 80 %) and safety (adverse events). Secondary outcomes included macronutrient intake (3 × 24-h records), weight, moderate-to-vigorous physical activity (MVPA) and 30 s sit-to-stand (STS) performance. Study retention was 89 %. Mean exercise adherence (Pro-Ex) was 52 % with one adverse event from 241 sessions. In Pro-Ex, mean daily plant protein serves increased (0·9 to 1·4/d) and animal protein decreased (1·5 to 1·2/d) after 12-weeks, but overall adherence (serves/day) was 32[RD1] % (plant) and 42 % (animal). Relative to UC, Pro-Ex experienced a mean 2·7 (95 % CI: 0·9, 4·4) increase in 30 s STS number, 46-minute (95 % CI: −153, 245) increase in MVPA, 1·7 kg (95 % CI: −3·5, 0·2) decrease in weight, 35·2 g (95 % CI: 11·0, 59·3) increase in protein. In adults with NAFLD a telehealth home exercise and dietary intervention was safe and improved habitual plant and animal protein intake, but overall adherence was modest suggesting more intensive healthcare support may be required.

Most research on biased public sector hiring highlights local politicians’ incentives to distribute government positions to partisan supporters. Other studies instead point to the role of bureaucratic managers in allocating government jobs to close contacts. We jointly consider the relative importance of each source of biased hiring as an allocation problem between managers and politicians who have different preferences regarding public sector hiring and different abilities to realize those preferences. We develop a theoretical model of each actor’s relative leverage and relative preferences for different types of public sector positions. We empirically examine our theory using the universe of payroll data in Kenyan local governments from 2004 to 2013. We find evidence of both patronage and bureaucratic favoritism, but with different types of bias concentrated in different types of government jobs, as our theory predicts. Our results highlight the inadequacy of examining political patronage alone without incorporating the preferences and leverage of the bureaucratic managers who are intricately involved in hiring processes.