My contribution to this Forum highlights the ways that Michael Willrich’s story of early-twentieth-century anarchism intersects with and complicates existing scholarly accounts of the development of the American “surveillance state.” My essay reflects on the way the subjects of Willrich’s history—immigrant radicals, those who sought to subdue and deport them, and those who defended them—shine a new light on ongoing struggles over the boundaries of modern social regulation.

A subset of a finite set of filling curves on a surface is not necessarily filling. However, when a filling set spans homology and curves intersect pairwise at most once, it is shown that one can always add a curve and subtract a different curve to obtain a filling set that spans homology. A motivation for filling sets of curves that span homology comes from the Thurston spine and the Steinberg module of the mapping class group.

Given a complex analytic family of complex manifolds, we consider canonical Aeppli deformations of $(p,q)$-forms and study its relations to the varying of dimension of the deformed Aeppli cohomology $\dim H^{\bullet ,\bullet }_{A\phi (t)}(X)$. In particular, we prove the jumping formula for the deformed Aeppli cohomology $H^{\bullet ,\bullet }_{A\phi (t)}(X)$. As a direct consequence, $\dim H^{p,q}_{A\phi (t)}(X)$ remains constant iff the Bott–Chern deformations of $(n-p,n-q)$-forms and the Aeppli deformations of $(n-p-1,n-q-1)$-forms are canonically unobstructed. Furthermore, the Bott–Chern/Aeppli deformations are shown to be unobstructed if some weak forms of ${ \partial }{ \bar {\partial } }$-lemma is satisfied.

With the passage of the 1935 National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), the American labor movement cemented the right to form unions and engage in collective bargaining. However, the NLRA explicitly excluded the public sector. Government employees did not achieve similar legal protections until decades later, and even then, the laws varied considerably by state. Because of this, scholarly accounts of the development of public-sector unions usually start in the 1960s and emphasize how public- and private-sector unions developed along separate paths. In this article, we analyze a new dataset and show that hundreds of cities had organized workers during the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s, including firefighters, police, and other public-sector workers (like those in the sanitation and roads departments). By the 1950s, numerous employee unions had engaged in strikes and had achieved written agreements with their city employers. We also present evidence that public- and private-sector employee organization were correlated during this period. Thus, despite very different legal contexts before 1960, our evidence suggests that the timing and location of early public-sector organization may have had more in common with private-sector organization than is often recognized.

Existing approaches to conducting inference about the Local Average Treatment Effect or LATE require assumptions that are considered tenuous in many applied settings. In particular, Instrumental Variable techniques require monotonicity and the exclusion restriction while principal score methods rest on some form of the principal ignorability assumption. This paper provides new results showing that an estimator within the class of principal score methods allows conservative inference about the LATE without invoking such assumptions. I term this estimator the Compliance Probability Weighting estimator and show that, under very mild assumptions, it provides an asymptotically conservative estimator for the LATE. I apply this estimator to a recent survey experiment and provide evidence of a stronger effect for the subset of compliers than the original authors had uncovered.

A hidden consequence of the cumulative impact of poverty, ‘hygiene poverty’ compels people to make stark choices when allocating household budgets. To increase understanding of this understudied phenomenon, we explored the prevalence of factors leading to, and impacts of, hygiene poverty in Ireland. An online survey was completed by 258 respondents during September 2023 covering a broad range of topics relating to the affordability of hygiene products. The results were analysed to identify key themes of statistical relevance in the data. Our study found 65.1 per cent of respondents had personally experienced difficulty affording essential hygiene items. Whilst lower incomes and the presence of children in the household featured, inability to afford hygiene items was also felt by those in insecure housing, people with disabilities and those from ethnic minorities. Lack of access to basic essentials prevented people from engaging fully in social, work and educational activities with negative impacts on physical and mental health across all income brackets. Drawing on existing literature alongside reporting original research, the substantive argument in this article suggests that ‘hygiene poverty’ is most usefully thought of as an aspect of deprivation, and that hygiene-related needs often sit at the bottom of a range of deprivation types.

Since the early 2000s, the US Government has made purposeful investments to help ensure medical preparedness should a radiological or nuclear incident occur within its borders. This focused support of products to diagnose, mitigate, and treat radiation-induced bodily injuries that would be anticipated during a radiation public health emergency has involved many departments, ranging from multiple agencies within the Department of Health and Human Services to the Department of Defense. The intent of this manuscript is to convey information both on products that have been approved by the US Food and Drug Administration for radiation injuries during a radiation incident, as well as promising approaches under advanced stages of development. These products impact multiple organ systems (e.g., bone marrow, gastrointestinal tract, lungs, kidneys, skin) and have been tested for efficacy in a number of different small and large preclinical animal models. The successful development of these models, methods, products, and devices discussed herein demonstrate the importance of an intentionally collaborative, “one-government” approach to fostering radiation research, while also showcasing the need for critical public-private partnerships – all to ensure the safety of the public should the unthinkable occur.

Monoidal categories with additional structure such as a braiding or some form of dualityabound in quantum topology. They often appear in tandem with Frobenius algebras inside them. Motivations for this range from the theory of module categories to the construction of correlators in conformal field theory. We gen eralize the Baez–Dolan microcosm principle to consistently describe all these types of algebras by extending it to cyclic and modular algebras in the sense of Getzler–Kapranov. Our main result links the microcosm principle for cyclic algebras to the one for modular algebras via Costello’s modular envelope. The result can be understood as a local-to-global construction or an integration procedure for various flavors of Frobenius algebras that substantially generalizes and unifies the available (and often intrinsically semisimple) methods using for example triangulations or classical skein theory. As the main application of this rather abstract result, we solve the problem of classifying consistent systems of correlators for open conformal field theories and show that the genus zero correlators for logarithmic conformal field theories constructed by Fuchs–Schweigert can be uniquely extended to handlebodies. This establishes a very general correspondence between full genus zero conformal field theory in dimension two and skein theory in dimension three.

The adoption of a feminist foreign policy (FFP) by Mexico took Mexican feminist civil society by surprise. In September 2019, without prior consultations or dialogues with local feminist civil society, the Mexican Foreign Affairs Secretary announced its FFP during the 74th session of the UN General Assembly. While the UN New York City headquarters roared with applause in response to the Mexican Foreign Affairs Secretary’s claim that the “Mexican government is feminist,” many feminists in Mexico interpreted the statement as an effort to pinkwash the government’s poor track record on gender equality within its borders. Moreover, Mexico’s FFP was charged with racial and colonial undertones since its inception, colloquially known as the “first FFP from the Global South” (Thompson 2020; Thompson, Ahmed, and Khokhar 2021).