Upper Middle Devonian to lowermost Upper Devonian brachiopods from Mount Józefka near Górno (Holy Cross Mountains, Poland) are described from the Laskowa Góra Beds (mostly top-Givetian dengleri Conodont Biozone) and Szydłówek Beds (Givetian–Frasnian transition). Twenty species are present, whereof two new ones. Glosshypothyridina theophili new species is larger and has a less angular hinge margin than G. procuboides (Kayser, 1871). Data on internal features of Hypothyridina Buckman, 1906, Glosshypothyridina Rzhonsnitskaya, 1978, and Tullhypothyridina Sartenaer, 2003 are summarized on the basis of published and unpublished sources, allowing rectification of previous incorrect interpretations of these genera. Kyrtatrypa stanislai new species resembles middle Givetian K. pauli Halamski and Baliński in Halamski et al., 2024, but possesses rudimentary dental nuclei. Similar (previously unnoticed) minute dental nuclei occur in the type species K. culminigera (Struve, 1966), so the diagnosis of Kyrtatrypa Struve, 1966 is emended. The moderately diverse fauna thrived in biogenic and muddy niches within and around perireefal coral thickets in the protected ramp-slope of the northern Kielce carbonate platform. The at-most modest replacement of brachiopod faunas between the middle Givetian and the early Frasnian times during the post-Taghanic ecosystem recovery is confirmed for the Euramerican shelf. However, a different response to global stresses is evident for the sessile benthos across the Middle–Upper Devonian boundary in the intrashelf basin and the stromatoporoid-coral bank settings. Off-reef communities were more resilient, affected by extinction probably half as much as the more sensitive reef-related faunas. The ecological-evolutionary stasis among bottom-level shelly benthos contrasts with the extinction of the Hamilton/upper Tully fauna in the Appalachian Basin, the type area of the Taghanic Crisis.

UUID: http://zoobank.org/6a3a18da-d56d-4d98-a548-ebd37c58f832

This paper examines how disparities in market-based and non-market-based environmental policy instruments affect gross exports and domestic value added in exports, distinguishing between intermediate and final goods and services at the industry level. We estimate a theory-based gravity model with country-industry-time fixed effects using Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood for 32 countries, 56 industries and the period 2000–2014. The results show that the widening gap in market-based instruments between countries is associated with competitiveness losses for high-polluting industries – especially producers of intermediate goods – while low-polluting industries experience short-run gains in comparative advantage, with effects concentrated in the manufacturing sector and driven largely by OECD–non-OECD trade. By contrast, the effects of non-market-based regulatory gaps depend on the time period and the institutional quality of the destination country and are associated, in some cases, with export growth in low-polluting industries and with industrial technology upgrading.

The presence of the vilica or female supervisor at a Roman villa is attested across five centuries in varied texts, and her duties are detailed in an entire book of Columella’s On Agriculture. This paper challenges assumptions by modern scholars that her managerial functions were confined to those of a housekeeper, focused on food supplies for the household and the supervision of domestic labor inside the house. Through closer examination of textual, iconographic, and archaeological evidence, we can see that the vilica’s principal role was to oversee not the domestic sphere, but rather a range of vital productive activities on the farm. In particular, she seems to have been responsible for wine and oil making and for important rituals linked to production. This has implications for our understanding of the roles of women within Roman farming and the Roman economy.

This article examines the renewal of Spain's corporate elite between 1920 and 2020 by combining Social Network Analysis with prosopography. Using interlocking directorate data for the two hundred largest Spanish firms, aggregated into three periods (1920–1950, 1960–1980, and 1990–2020), the study identifies the most structurally central directors and reconstructs their social origins, education, and career trajectories. The findings reveal that while the structural core of corporate power remained remarkably stable—between thirty-four and forty individuals per period, less than 1 percent of all directors—its social composition changed substantially. Aristocratic backgrounds and dynastic ties gave way to middle-class origins, public university credentials, and senior civil service careers. Two institutional channels drove this transformation: the state, whose role shifted from direct political overlap to technocratic circulation through public administration; and the public university system, which increasingly replaced inherited status as the basis of elite recruitment. Rather than democratization, renewal took the form of controlled circulation: new actors entered through selective pathways while the underlying power structure remained intact. By adopting an interpersonal perspective over a full century, the article addresses a persistent gap in the literature on interlocking directorates, which has focused mainly on firm-centered networks rather than their most central actors.

In her work on the interconnected systems of mass incarceration and child welfare, Dorothy Roberts points out a pattern of institutionalized harm that strikes not at the atomic individual, but at the connections between individuals. Similarly, Ross and Solinger draw attention to ways that the state devalues and destroys family bonds within marginalized communities as a central example of reproductive injustice. In this text, I’ll argue that in order to understand this pattern of injustice we need a framework that exceeds the logic of individual rights and harms, and allows us to highlight harms that target the connections between people. I call this kinship violence; here, I explore the distinct characteristics of this form of violence and argue that it is a key aspect of racial and colonial oppression. In response to this violence, Ross and Solinger argue for a right to parent; I elaborate on this idea, considering possible limits or misappropriations by right-wing fathers’ rights and parental rights groups, the risks of protecting abusive or neglectful parents, and the limitations of a rights framework for opposing kinship violence. I argue that a carefully articulated feminist right to parent is a useful but incomplete framework, and suggest that such a right should be seen as part of a larger field of “kinship justice.”

It is widely understood that business is powerful in American politics, and a prominent view among political scientists is that business influence pushes policy to the right, in favor of smaller government. As vast as the literature on business power is, however, it has so far neglected an important part of American government: its tens of thousands of local governments. Moreover, although there has been a surge in US local politics research in recent years, it has not yet examined businesses’ positions on local government policies. This essay begins to bridge these gaps. I propose that businesses and business associations may often support well-funded local government, in alignment with unions, because of the kinds of policies local governments make and their relatively smaller scale. In an analysis of campaign contributions to local tax ballot measures in California, I find that the overwhelming majority of union and business contributions are made in support of tax increases. In another analysis of local chambers of commerce positions on local tax and bond ballot measures, I find that chambers endorsed passage for 70% of them. These findings underscore the need for more research on a host of important questions about American politics, comparative politics, and business preferences.

In the Supreme Court’s 5-4 decision in Milliken v. Bradley (1974), its majority held that “no single tradition in public education is more deeply rooted than local control.” The court’s opinion overturned US District Court judge Stephen Roth’s order for metropolitan desegregation to remedy segregation in Detroit. Histories of the Milliken decision have often narrated its meaning and consequence through metropolitan histories of segregation, but the legal issue at the heart of Judge Roth’s holding and the court’s decision to overturn it concerned the state’s educational authority and whether state constitutional violations enabled more expansive remedies. This article retraces the policy and legal history of state power in producing segregation and inequality before and after the Milliken decision. It illustrates how the Supreme Court’s reasoning produced a political situation in which State policymakers could uphold segregation and inequality without consequence when isolating Detroit’s schools for intervention.

This article addresses the challenges in formulating data-sharing regulations by proposing a systematic regulatory matrix based on data characteristics. While data-driven innovation drives economic growth, existing legal frameworks in the EU are incoherent and often tend towards data propertisation, even if indirectly, which may lead to data underutilisation. The matrix is built on varied data characteristics, and it aims to foster access to data and data sharing as a fundamental general principle underpinning the data-driven innovation market. This framework offers a balanced regulatory scheme ranging from open access to proprietary models, aiming to maximise innovation and public good in the emerging field of data law.

Agrifood systems (AFSs) generate environmental, social and health costs unaccounted for in market prices. True cost accounting makes hidden costs explicit, providing evidence for enhanced sustainability, equity and resilience. Combining project sites’ micro-level and national-level data, we assess externalities in Kenya and Viet Nam. At the national level, we find that externalities constitute one-third of AFS output value in Kenya, with social costs accounting for three-quarters of this total. In Viet Nam, externalities represent one-sixth of output, driven by environmental costs, constituting three-quarters of externalities. In project sites, external costs (excluding health) account for 30 per cent of production costs in Kenya, mostly driven by social costs (84 per cent). External costs represent 24 per cent of production costs in Viet Nam, among which environmental costs (61 per cent) dominate. Strategies to reduce costs include stronger labour regulations, investments in resource-efficient technologies and prudent input management. Priority interventions include empowering workers, strengthening farmer performance and addressing gender-based labour disparities.