The recent turn to market activism is transforming the politics around the state and capitalism, while significantly restructuring markets. We focus on one important but understudied element in this development: the securitization of market competition in the European Union. We argue that European political actors are strategically using specific narratives to construct competition policies in a new way, one that implicates the geopolitical standing of the EU and its national security. This contrasts with the longstanding view of EU competition policy as existing in a separate sphere, disembedded from politics, where market efficiency is paramount. To empirically capture this change, we undertake a systematic analysis of DG Competition Annual Reports, using a language-analysis schema over the decade from 2013 to 2023. Our findings demonstrate that this securitization strategy has been consistently increasing over time in the EU, evidenced in the rhetorical use of crises, the linking of markets to a larger set of issues and policy goals, the invocation of geopolitical pressures, and the framing of a need for the consolidation of EU power. We note, however, that this policy turn towards securitization of economic policy brings substantial political tensions given the EU’s limited democratic accountability.

This article examines Afrikaans V1-constructions with the verb laat ‘let’ and compares them with similar constructions in Dutch. I refer to these as pseudo-let imperatives (or PLI-constructions). Although PLI-constructions have the same form as some let-imperatives in both languages, they no longer function as commands and lack the directive force typically associated with imperatives. Instead, PLI-constructions are used to express the speaker’s perspective on a certain event or action. Drawing on grammaticalization criteria used by Van Craenenbroeck & Van Koppen (2015, 2017) in their work on perception and causative verbs in imperative(-like) constructions in Dutch, this article argues that PLI-laat/laten has undergone grammaticalization in both Afrikaans and Dutch. Additionally, I demonstrate that the Afrikaans PLI-laat has grammaticalized further than its Dutch counterpart. I propose that Afrikaans’ contact with a variety of other languages throughout its history may have accelerated the grammaticalization of laat relative to its Dutch counterpart, resulting in the observed differences in the grammaticalization of PLI-laat/laten constructions.

This article concerns the so-called Infinitivus Pro Participio (IPP) effect – in terms of which what appears to be an infinitive surfaces where a selected past participle is expected – as it manifests in modern Afrikaans. Prior research has highlighted the apparent optionality of this effect, leading to conflicting conclusions regarding the continued existence of a productive IPP-effect in contemporary Afrikaans. Here we draw on recent corpus- and questionnaire-based investigations to consider the optionality of the IPP-effect in Afrikaans in more empirical detail, with the objective of establishing (i) the status of the IPP in Afrikaans and (ii) how it differs from the IPP in Dutch. The article’s second objective is to consider the role of language contact in shaping the IPP-effect as it is currently attested in (varieties of) Afrikaans.*

To those living through them, the Elizabethan and early Stuart years of England’s history seemed unusually riven by plots and conspiracies. Protestants feared the public effects of the private machinations of the Scottish queen and her supporters, of Jesuits, and of perfidious “papists” more generally. Catholic polemicists countered with narratives of dark deeds done by men who subverted rather than served the Crown: “secret histories” circulated that warned of William and Robert Cecil, the earl of Leicester, and others undermining the public state of the realm.1 Very real conspiracies by men such as the Earl of Essex and Guy Fawkes fostered fears of others. From the hard and hungry 1590s, protests against enclosures and lack of food became so common and concerning that the authorities contrived to brand some such riots as the products of treasonous conspiracies that threatened not just particular landlords or grain merchants but the public at large.2 Over the early seventeenth century, fears of covert machinations by both the poor and the powerful only increased, culminating in the fear that King Charles himself had become a pawn in a Catholic conspiracy that endangered the lives and liberties of his subjects.3 Talk of plots and conspiracies—real and imagined—abounded in an increasingly divided and discordant political culture, seen as threatening a “public” they arguably helped to create.

How and why do attempts to remedy sexual violence fail survivors so profoundly? In industrialized democracies, government consensus that rape is something to combat has done little to reduce its prevalence. A rich corpus of literature in political science focuses on the causes and consequences of public violence while ignoring private violence altogether. In states that identify as leaders on gender equality, how does this failure to effectively respond to sexual violence unfold? We build on a wealth of feminist scholarship to advance a simple claim, worthy of urgent attention from scholars of political violence. Through formal and informal institutions, states routinely perpetrate violence, upholding structures of gendered, classed, and racialized domination and oppression. We show how legal, medical, and family systems perpetrate violence by reimposing rather than challenging patriarchal power in their interactions with survivors. By denying survivors’ experiences, dehumanizing their survival, and subjugating them in their efforts to seek care, legal, medical, and family systems refuse survivors and other feminized populations autonomy, power, and control over their own lives and bodies. These practices enact violence by recreating the embodied experiences and power dynamics present in acts of sexual violence. We join a chorus of feminist scholars to argue that understanding how institutions perpetrate violence after rape is critical for understanding broader power relations in society.

This article explores how late nineteenth-century British socialists theorized the relationship between socialism and democracy through debates about the referendum. At the 1896 London Congress of the Second International, Fabians such as Sidney and Beatrice Webb and George Bernard Shaw defended parliamentary representation, expertise, and leadership as essential to socialist politics. In contrast, radicals in the Social Democratic Federation, and the Independent Labour Party advanced a theory of “real democracy” centered on direct popular legislation. Rejecting parliamentarism as corrupt, they envisioned referenda, mandates, and recall as tools to secure individual sovereignty and to dissolve the dominance of permanent majorities. This model redefined majority rule as transient, issue-specific, and plural, challenging both plebiscitary leadership and technocratic elitism. Although the International ultimately adopted the referendum only for strategic purposes, these debates reveal an original, if forgotten, socialist account of democracy as a form of pluralist, non-electoral majoritarianism.

The idea of decentering the human from our understanding of the world is under discussion across the globe. Behind this lies the question of anthropocentrism and the social sciences formed around it. In what follows, I outline what is involved in decentering humans and how this process is linked to materiality. This is not a new issue: an extensive tradition of materialist critiques of anthropocentrism stretches from eleventh-century Iran to sixteenth-century Rome, post-war Germany, and Indigenous knowledges passed down across generations. We need to access these histories and understand how they have interacted with, pushed back against, and been reconfigured by colonialism and empire. Dealing with such matters raises conceptual problems about power and agency, structure and change, and nature and the social. But this work also leads to questions about global knowledge production, including who gets to theorize, who is theorized, and how different regions—such as Iran—are rendered intelligible. While there is no single blueprint for change, there is scope for invention and experiment. In this article, I contribute to the nexus of new materialism, postcolonialism, and Iranian studies by exploring these questions and providing an overview of the special issue: “Materiality in Iran.”

The organic-rich shales and mudstones composing the Miaolingian (‘middle’ Cambrian) through Tremadocian (Lower Ordovician) Alum Shale Formation have been extensively mined for production of alum at Andrarum in southeastern Scania (Skåne), southern Sweden. Here, the formation was exploited between 1637 and 1912, and a brief account is given of the history of the exploitation. The alum industry had its heyday in the mid-1700s when it was owned by Christina Piper (1673–1752). During this time some 900 people lived within the working area, and it had its own craftsmen, school, hospital and courthouse with a jail annex. The undeformed and virtually continuous succession at Andrarum is generally richly fossiliferous and, albeit largely covered by scree and vegetation, best exposed in the old quarries. The fossil faunas are dominated by trilobites and agnostoids, which form the basis for a detailed biostratigraphical framework. The history of geological and palaeontological research at Andrarum, since the pioneering works in the mid- to late 1800s, is reviewed. The sequence of strata was first elucidated by Alfred Gabriel Nathorst in 1869. Since then, the succession and its fossil content have been studied by a considerable number of influential researchers, such as Gustaf Linnarsson (1841–1881), Sven Axel Tullberg (1852–1886) and Anton H. Westergård (1880–1968). In the decades around the turn of the 21st century, Euan Clarkson initiated a number of projects focusing on the ontogeny, evolution and functional morphology of olenid trilobites from the Furongian at Andrarum, along with two important studies dealing with faunal dynamics and biotic turnovers. His research resulted in a series of pivotal papers on the geology and palaeontology of the Alum Shales.

The increasing pollution of water bodies by tetracycline (TC) has emerged as a looming threat to both environmental sustainability and human health, and the development of novel and effective remediation techniques is essential. The purpose of the present research was to explore the potential of montmorillonite (Mnt) and ZnO/Mnt composites as cost-effective and eco-friendly adsorbents for the removal of TC from polluted water sources. Batch adsorption experiments were carried out under controlled laboratory conditions, where adsorption isotherms, kinetic studies, and zero-charge point (pHzcp) determinations were performed systematically to evaluate the performance of ZnO, Mnt, and ZnO/Mnt composites. The results highlighted the underlying importance of surface charge to adsorption by establishing pHzcp for ZnO, Mnt, and the ZnO/Mnt composite. The effects of pH on the surface charge of adsorbents (ZnO, Mnt, and the ZnO/Mnt) and the equilibrium structure of TC were measured systematically and trends that are imperative for understanding the dynamics of adsorption were identified. The removal efficiencies of TC at the optimal pH of 5 were 100% for Mnt, 70% for ZnO/Mnt, and 4% for ZnO. Mnt exhibited the greatest adsorption capacity (125 mg g–1), particularly effective within the pH range of 3–7, demonstrating its strong potential for pollutant removal. However, the ZnO/Mnt composite, although showing a lower adsorption capacity (72 mg g–1), offers additional advantages due to the photocatalytic properties of ZnO. Under light irradiation, ZnO promotes the mineralization of adsorbed TC into harmless products such as CO₂ and H₂O, thereby reducing the risk of secondary pollution. While Mnt alone efficiently captures TC, the lack of degradation may pose environmental challenges. By integrating adsorption with photocatalysis, the ZnO/Mnt composite provides a more sustainable, dual-functional approach, highlighting the significance of coupling pollutant capture with degradation for effective and eco-friendly water treatment.

Given the ubiquity of organizational change, it is fitting that considerable research has focused on employees’ responses to change, much of it collated in review articles. With the aim of integrating this diverse review literature and providing an employee-centric theorization, we provide a meta-review, a systematic review of reviews. We present the meta-construct of employee change orientation (EChO), which aggregates employee responses, attitudes, behaviors, and the associated psychological mechanisms related to organizational change. Our meta-review includes 50 scholarly reviews published between 2001 and June 2025, drawing on 1,606 primary studies. Through a synthesis of these reviews, we present the EChO framework and taxonomy. We identify areas for improvement, particularly for research design, and generate key insights for change practitioners working with employees experiencing change. Our meta-review contributes by clarifying well-researched areas, extending theorizing, and highlighting the need for further research to understand how employee responses to change influence outcomes.

This article examines white Americans’ concern about jazz dancing around the turn of the twentieth century. Drawing from primary sources in national publications, newspapers, and the archives of the Southern Baptist Convention, the essay finds patterns in the response to jazz dancing that set the stage for the making of moral concern throughout the twentieth century. A focus on young people, interracial sex, the emerging specter of homosexuality, black musical forms, immigrants, and traditional gender roles amounted to what I call “Downfall Voyeurism,” in which American decline is portrayed as a spectacle that elicits both fear and titillation. Downfall Voyeurism helps explain the rise and fall of the jazz panic of the 1910s, but it also presages the central tactics of the New Right that historians more traditionally see as emerging in the 1970s and 1980s.

The present article is concerned with the relation between recurrence axioms and Laver-generic large cardinal axioms in light of principles of generic absoluteness and the Ground Axiom (GA).

M. Viale proved that Martin’s Maximum$^{++}$ together with the assumption that there are class many Woodin cardinals implies ${\mathcal {H}}(\aleph _2)^{\mathsf {V}}\prec _{\Sigma _2}{\mathcal {H}}(\aleph _2)^{\mathsf {V}[{\mathbb {G}}]}$ for a generic ${\mathbb {G}}$ on any stationary preserving ${\mathbb {P}}$ which also preserves Bounded Martin’s Maximum. We show that a similar but more general conclusion follows from each of $({\mathcal P},{\mathcal {H}}(\kappa))_{\Sigma _2}$-RcA$^+$ (which is a fragment of a reformulation of the Maximality Principle for ${\mathcal P}$ and ${\mathcal {H}}(\kappa)$), and the existence of the tightly ${\mathcal P}$-Laver-generically huge cardinal.1

While under “${\mathcal P}=$ all stationary preserving posets”, our results are not very much more than Viale’s Theorem, for other classes of posets, “${\mathcal P}=$ all proper posets” or “${\mathcal P}=$ all ccc posets”, for example, our theorems are not at all covered by his theorem.

The assumptions (and hence also the conclusion) of Viale’s Theorem are compatible with the GA. In contrast, we show that the assumptions of our theorems (for most of the common settings of ${\mathcal P}$ and with a modification of the large cardinal property involved) imply the negation of the GA. This fact is used to show that fragments of Recurrence Axiom $({\mathcal P},{\mathcal {H}}(\kappa))_\Gamma $-RcA$^+$ can be different from the corresponding fragments of Maximality Principle $\textsf {MP}({\mathcal P},{\mathcal {H}}(\kappa))_\Gamma $ for $\Gamma =\Pi _2$.

Scholarship on Black Atlantic geographies and non-European knowledge-making has underscored the crucial role of Africans and Afro-descendants in shaping New World landscapes, where their interaction with American environments was vital for survival. Building on these insights, this article explores the environmental knowledge of the bogas, Afro-Indigenous boatmen who navigated the Magdalena River. As the only route connecting New Granada’s capital, Santa Fe, with the Atlantic world, the Magdalena was central to the viceroyalty’s political and economic integration. The bogas were key to this process–not only because of their physical labor, but because of their deep expertise in fluvial geography. By centering the journeys, labor, and interactions of bogas with passengers and riverine communities, the article reframes the history of the Magdalena River. It shows how these encounters became sites of knowledge production, positioning boatmen as political actors who forged social and spatial networks linking Caribbean and Andean worlds. It also rethinks environmental knowledge in the Caribbean, tracing its roots to enduring Afro-Indigenous relationships. In doing so, it calls for a more inclusive framework for understanding African diasporic experience in the Americas and for reimagining the geography of the Caribbean itself.