This paper explores Italy’s perspective on West Germany’s evolving role in Europe in the 1970s, focusing on the interplay between leadership expectations and the fear of hegemony. In the context of the collapse of the Bretton Woods System, the oil crisis and transatlantic tensions, Italy viewed West Germany as both a potential leader and a dominant economic power. By examining political and public debates, this study delves into Italy’s complex ambivalence towards German leadership – admiring its economic strength while simultaneously fearing its influence over European integration and monetary policy – in a way that demonstrates a nuanced Italian reaction to German ‘reluctance’. The rejection of Germany’s hegemonic role was closely tied to an expectation of leadership. However, this expectation conflicted with the type of leadership Germany offered, revealing a sharp contrast between Italian and German conceptions of leadership.

The sharing economy has expanded rapidly, reshaping consumption, labor, and service delivery across sectors. While much research highlights its benefits, critical perspectives on its limitations remain fragmented. This study addresses that gap through a systematic literature review, identifying and categorizing the main drawbacks of the sharing economy across five dimensions: social, legal, technological, economic, and environmental. By synthesizing these critiques into a cohesive framework, the study offers a more comprehensive understanding of the structural challenges associated with sharing economy platforms. It draws on interdisciplinary perspectives to highlight issues such as platform power asymmetries, regulatory gaps, and labor precarity – concerns that have intensified in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. The paper contributes to theory by integrating insights across academic domains and to practice by offering targeted recommendations for policymakers and managers. These include differentiated regulation and improved governance strategies to support fairer, more sustainable platform models.

Italy has often been implicitly or explicitly excluded from comparative political analyses due to its allegedly anomalous political arrangements and outcomes, but in more recent years, some of its once unusual experiences have come to seem as predictors of things to come in other countries. This contribution takes a closer look at such developments, starting with a consideration of the substantive differences between outliers and anomalies. It then presents and gives examples of four scenarios whereby changes might – or might not – have led Italy to converge with its neighbors. In sum, this essay contends that rather than viewing Italy as sui generis, it is fruitful to consider Italy and Italian politics as a kind of laboratory that not only incorporates all the basic elements of political dynamics but in which many relevant tendencies of current and prospective political and policy dynamics can be discerned.

During the 2019 growing season, seeds of Palmer amaranth and common waterhemp were collected from 141 and 133 agricultural sites, respectively, from across the southeastern and midwestern United States. These accessions were screened with a new protoporphyrinogen oxidase (PPO) inhibitor, epyrifenacil, using a whole-plant bioassay at 20 g ai ha−1 in controlled environmental conditions to estimate its efficacy on these two agronomically important weeds. In addition, the coding sequence of the PPX2 gene was determined for plants from each accession through short-read sequencing of cDNA fragments amplified via polymerase chain reaction. Results showed that nearly all accessions were completely controlled by epyrifenacil, with average survival rates of less than 2% for both species. Target site resistance mutations toward PPO inhibitors were lower in Palmer amaranth (<20%) compared to waterhemp, with nearly half of all waterhemp samples (42%) possessing the ΔG210 allele, which is shown to cause high-level resistance to other commercially available PPO-inhibiting herbicides. Follow-up testing of accessions with high frequency (≥50%) of the ΔG210 allele of PPX2 compared the efficacy of epyrifenacil, saflufenacil, and saflufenacil + trifludimoxazin and showed that of the herbicides tested, epyrifenacil at 20 g ha−1 provided the best control, averaging 85% mortality across these accessions. Same-plant association study of molecular data and whole-plant assay correlated all detected variants of PPX2 with visual injury following epyrifenacil treatment and found that the ΔG210 mutation was associated with a reduction in relative efficacy of epyrifenacil in some accessions. All other known target site resistance mutations appeared to have no significant effect on epyrifenacil efficacy.

Ecosystems are increasingly being represented as marketplaces that produce goods for humanity, and because of this, economic metaphors for increasing efficiency have been introduced into conservation. A powerful model for economic growth is the globalised free market, and some are implicitly deploying it to suggest changes in conservation practice. Ecological globalisation is the position that we should not control the free movement of species and rewilding occurs most efficiently through non-intervention. When species can move and interact with new ecological systems, they create novel ecosystems. These novel arrangements create experimental markets in nature’s economy, providing opportunities for the efficient production of goods for humans, also known as ecosystem services. When invasive species supersede local populations, it indicates previous biotic systems were inefficient, which is why they were replaced, and therefore, it is wrong to protect indigenous “losers” from extinction. Those who defend indigenous species are accused of being xenophobic against recent biotic migrants. This position is flawed both empirically and morally as there is a disconnect between these economic and political arguments when applied to human economies and nature’s economy.

Los estudios sobre las acciones colectivas de las trabajadoras sexuales se han centrado principalmente en la esfera pública, abordando procesos de organización sindical, movimientos sociales y articulación de redes para la reivindicación de sus derechos. Sin embargo, han prestado escasa atención a las acciones que les permiten sobrellevar los agravios en su contexto laboral. Este estudio tiene como objetivo comprender las acciones colectivas cotidianas de protesta de las trabajadoras sexuales en entornos laborales estigmatizados por la norma de género. Para ello, realizamos una etnografía etnometodológica feminista durante dieciocho meses en el norte de Chile, donde observamos diversos escenarios del trabajo sexual y realizamos dieciocho entrevistas en profundidad. Concluimos que las trabajadoras sexuales producen acciones colectivas de protesta situadas y efímeras, mediante las cuales buscan restituir, aunque precariamente, el equilibrio de poder en sus escenarios laborales, y que relegan la posibilidad de impugnar directamente el orden social debido al costo que significaría en sus vidas.

We investigate geometric properties of invariant spatio-temporal random fields $X\colon\mathbb M^d\times \mathbb R\to \mathbb R$ defined on a compact two-point homogeneous space $\mathbb M^d$ in any dimension $d\ge 2$, and evolving over time. In particular, we focus on chi-squared-distributed random fields, and study the large-time behavior (as $T\to +\infty$) of the average on [0,T] of the volume of the excursion set on the manifold, i.e. of $\lbrace X(\cdot, t)\ge u\rbrace$ (for any $u >0$). The Fourier components of X may have short or long memory in time, i.e. integrable or non-integrable temporal covariance functions. Our argument follows the approach developed in Marinucci et al. (2021) and allows us to extend their results for invariant spatio-temporal Gaussian fields on the two-dimensional unit sphere to the case of chi-squared distributed fields on two-point homogeneous spaces in any dimension. We find that both the asymptotic variance and limiting distribution, as $T\to +\infty$, of the average empirical volume turn out to be non-universal, depending on the memory parameters of the field X.

Will voters punish incumbents for psychological distress associated with public policy during external shocks? This study examines this question in the empirical context of the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in India, utilizing three novel cross-sectional surveys conducted in the first three weeks of June 2020, immediately after the national lockdown policy was officially revoked. We find that propensity to vote for the nationally incumbent Bharatiya Janata Party (if hypothetical elections were held on the day of the survey) was negatively correlated with mental stress from routine disruptions in mobility (Week 1); worsening mental health (Week 2); and emotion-focused coping (Week 3). We show that these effects are strongest in BJP-ruled states. We argue that psychological distress shaped political attitudes in the midst of the pandemic and this effect was conditional on the source of distress and moderated by governmental clarity of responsibility.

Low birth weight (LBW) and preterm birth (PTB) are primary factors contributing to morbidity and mortality among children aged under 5, resulting in a range of short- and long-term health consequences worldwide. Among the various risk factors, ambient air pollution poses a significant environmental risk and is a key determinant of child health. The prevalence of LBW and PTB among under 5 children sampled from the NFHS-5, 2019–2021, was combined with monthly PM2.5 data (2013–2021) obtained from the Atmospheric Composition Analysis Group at Washington University. Multivariable logistic regression models were used, and a stratified analysis was applied to understand the potential effect modifiers in LBW and PTB. Further, the geographical variation of LBW and PTB spatial autocorrelation (Moran’s I) was used. Geographically weighted regression and ordinary least square spatial regression were used to identify the spatial heterogeneity associated with selected variables. The study comprises a total of 208,181 under 5 children. Out of these children, the LBW rate was 17.41%, and the rate of PTB was 12.42%. The in-utero exposure to the mean concentration of PM2.5 was 56.01 μg/m3. The odds of suffering from LBW showed a non-linear shift when PM2.5 levels rose from the first octile (<28.02 μg/m3) to the last octile (>93.84 μg/m3) (adjusted odds ratio (AOR): 1.06, 95% CI: 1.01–1.12). While comparing the first octile of exposure to PM2.5 (>93.84 μg/m3) to the last octile, there was a 52% more likelihood of having PTB (AOR: 1.52, 95% CI: 1.43–1.61) after accounting for all relevant factors. These findings highlight the urgent need for a thorough strategy to control the air quality in India. Further, to reduce adverse birth outcomes, longitudinal studies and other co-pollutants can consider assessing the possible mechanisms mediating the relationship between maternal exposure and ambient air pollution.

Over the last two decades, since scholarly writing on India witnessed an “urban turn,” numerous historians have analyzed the role of the improvement trust in the redevelopment of Indian cities in the twentieth century, most specifically those of Bombay, Calcutta, and Delhi. This paper revisits and reassesses some of their key arguments to suggest that rather than studying the “failures” of the individual trusts to foster sanitary built environments, we should pay attention to the contingent workings of the city trusts that were constitutively designed for such failures. Using a comparative analysis of the Bombay and Calcutta improvement trusts, this paper offers a retelling of the history of twentieth-century Indian urbanism through the inauguration of an “improvement regime.” It posits that a structural analysis of the trust’s legal and financial framework opens innovative ways of reading “improvement” as a new, twentieth-century language, technology, and rationality of urban governance. The improvement trust devised the art of spatiotemporal management to secure the city’s built environment—rather than its residents—against future uncertainties. The paper takes us through various episodes in the career of the improvement trust—its introduction of technocratic rule, partnership with private investors, speculation in the urban land market, and finally emergence as the city’s leading rentier—in short, the “new developments” that we associate with neoliberal urbanism today. Rather than mapping these developments as neoliberal inventions, this paper invites readers to view them as the slow and (dis)continuous unraveling of a century-old improvement regime.

This paper aims to analyze the impact of the Incidental Process activated during the UNESCO Memory of the World (MOW) 2022/23 nomination cycle and the Memory of the World Regional Committee for Asia and the Pacific (MOWCAP) 2021/22 nomination cycle. The Incidental Process is a mechanism that allows a Member State to contest nominations submitted by other Member States in the inscription process of the MOW Register. Japan became the first Member State to initiate the Incidental Process in 2022, contesting five nominations submitted by Korea and China. Japan’s initiative, seemingly part of its decade-long campaign, concentrated on identifying the elements in the nominated documents that would evoke the image of perpetrators and removing them from inscription. However, the MOW and MOWCAP responded in different ways to the contestation, which highlighted several contentious issues that were not effectively addressed by the General Guidelines. Furthermore, the disputes surrounding Japan’s contestation revealed the institutional weakness of the International Advisory Committee (IAC), the main operational body of the program. This paper, after examining the extraordinary situations that arose during the MOW and MOWCAP inscription process, attempts to identify the origin of the contentious issues and suggests the need to implement the provisions of the Incidental Process for the future operation of the MOW.

Despite over 50 years of advocacy and policymaking toward deinstitutionalization, residential institutions for people labelled with intellectual and developmental disabilities (IDD) remain operational in six Canadian provinces. In addition, the lack of public, community-based housing has led to contemporary housing models that represent the re- or trans-institutionalization of labelled people. This article asks: why does the institutionalization of people labelled with IDD still occur in Canada? We argue that institutionalization is propelled by a policy legacy of systemic ableism that is manifested in three pervasive logics, which “haunt” the public provision of IDD housing: exclusion, elimination, and extraction. Empirical support is drawn from textual analysis and interviews with policymakers, advocates and people labelled with IDD in two Canadian provinces (Ontario and Nova Scotia). We conclude by discussing the interrelation of institutionalization and systemic ableism and presenting implications for counteracting ableism in Canadian IDD housing policy.

This article examines the concept of materiality in sustainability reporting, tracing its development from financial materiality to the adoption of double materiality under the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD). It explores the distinction between financial and impact materiality, highlighting the regulatory and ideological shifts that have shaped their integration. The discussion also includes the challenges companies face in implementing double materiality, such as data collection complexities, methodological inconsistencies, and the risks of selective disclosure. Additionally, the article contains an analysis of potential solutions, including additional regulatory guidance, independent oversight, and best practices for balancing transparency with strategic reporting. Ultimately, the author argues that double materiality represents a significant transformation in corporate governance, and that there exists concrete measures to be taken by both companies and regulators to improve the application of the CSRD.

This article explores the evolving concept of patriotism in the context of contemporary liberal democracies. As politicians increasingly employ patriotism in response to globalization and neoliberalism, diverse conceptions such as civic, constitutional, ethical, and cosmopolitan patriotism have emerged. Three evaluative criteria are thus introduced: inclusiveness, identity, and critical loyalty. Civic patriotism emphasizes democratic governance but may lack national rootedness. Constitutional patriotism risks overlooking cultural particularities, while ethical patriotism seeks to reconcile diverse identities but risks universalizing differences. Cosmopolitan patriotism aims to bridge global and national loyalties but may overlook critical loyalty complexities. Therefore, patriotism can be compatible with liberal democracy and citizenship if it is adequately inclusive, respects personal identities, and is critically loyal to universal constitutional ideals and specific cultural contexts.

Using US quarterly data (1967–2023), including inflation’s post-pandemic surge and decline alongside monetary policies characterized by quantitative easing before refocusing on the 2% target, we utilize traditional and novel econometric tools to assess the stability of key macroeconomic variables’ responses to monetary shocks. Our findings confirm the relevance of a broad Divisia aggregate in understanding monetary policy transmission and highlight its empirical importance in explaining output and price dynamics across decades. Time-varying impulse response functions (IRFs) reveal consistent and puzzle-free price responses to Divisia-based monetary shocks throughout the sample, aligning with theory. Time-varying IRFs indicate that pandemic-related outliers in GDP (2020Q2) do not disrupt results. In contrast, Fed Funds rate or shadow policy interest rate shocks often yield puzzling outcomes across earlier and extended periods.