In a propensity-matched cohort of adult cardiac or neurosurgical procedures (n = 1,342), infection was less frequent with continuous infusion (1.8%) versus intermittent cefazolin (2.4%), though the difference was statistically non-significant (−0.6%, 95% CI−2.3 to 1.1; p = 0.57). The 0% infection rate among cardiac cases receiving continuous cefazolin infusion warrants further investigation.

Our study investigates the impact of successful violent and non-violent revolutions on post-revolutionary institutions concerning women. Leveraging the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes data on successful revolutions and the Varieties of Democracy dataset for gender-specific metrics, we employ fixed-effect difference-in-differences and Callaway Sant’Anna. Our results show positive effects from both treatments. Non-violent revolutions with regime change intentions have a more consistent positive impact on women’s empowerment indices than violent revolutions, while revolutions without regime change intentions show mixed or limited effects across both violent and non-violent cases.

Shmuel Nili’s Beyond the Law’s Reach? is an inquiry into the moral duties of the world’s established democracies in a world rife with violent and undemocratic states. Nili argues that these “consolidated” democratic states are “entangled” with the leaders of such violent polities—and uses this entanglement to derive an elegant and plausible series of political duties. In response, this essay seeks to undermine the distinction between the established democracies and the violent states, by showing that some democratic states—including, most centrally, the United States—are as violent as those societies considered by Nili as the focus of international moral obligation. This fact, however, does not impugn the moral obligations identified by Nili; instead, it demonstrates that Nili’s duties might demand something like a necessary form of moral hypocrisy—in which a democratic state might be effectively able to undermine violence abroad, even while incapable of effectively eliminating that violence on its own territory.

Psychoactive substances, known for their acute impact on perception and cognition, are gaining attention for their potential therapeutic applications. Many of these substances are plant-derived with deep-rooted histories of use in non-medical contexts, where they have been viewed as either tools for social cohesion or sources of discord, depending on cultural and societal contexts. This review explores psychoactive substances; psychedelics, cannabis, and stimulants, in a legitimized medical context, focusing on the ethical considerations shaping research and the regulatory and prescribing challenges involved in translating these compounds into viable clinical treatments. It highlights the diverse voices; Indigenous, philosophical, psychiatric, and using communities advocating for careful consideration of their broader implications. Key issues include navigating the blurred boundaries between therapeutic benefit and potential misuse, ensuring rigorous scientific methodologies, and addressing the sociopolitical factors shaping public perception and policy. The article emphasizes the need for evidence-based frameworks that balance innovation with patient safety and calls for approaches that recognize the social and commercial determinants of health, extending ethical considerations beyond merely prescribing. By critically assessing the promise and limitations of repurposing these substances, the article contributes to the ongoing discourse on their role in contemporary psychiatric practice.

This article centres a poem concerned with the de-extinction of the thylacine (Tasmanian tiger) to make a wider claim for the importance of poetry as a distinct contribution to thinking about de-extinction. While de-extinction is well understood as a scientific practice, it is also a cultural event. It involves communities with distinct histories who are diversely invested in the idea of extinction, which evoke a range of emotions and embodied responses. A poetry of de-extinction is well placed to situate the science within its complex cultural history while evoking the resistance and multiple temporalities of recorded Indigenous experience. In the instance of the efforts towards the de-extinction of the thylacine (Tasmanian tiger), the colonial acts that led to the original extinction were one part of the violence perpetrated against Indigenous peoples and country.

In Beyond the Law’s Reach? Shmuel Nili examines the moral responsibilities of affluent democracies toward poorer countries to whose misfortunes they contributed. Because of their entanglement, Nili argues, affluent democracies are (often, but not always) morally barred from pursuing policies more obviously aligned with their moral preferences when another policy would benefit the weakened state more. In this essay, I discuss some of the challenges of trying to repay a moral debt between states. The affluent democracy has incentives to underestimate the extent of its moral debt, while the weakened state benefits from overestimating the harm it suffered. Moreover, since the state is not a unitary actor, different members of a state might disagree on which actions should count as proper forms of atonement. I argue that moral debts cannot ever be fully repaid, but that such impossibility does not undermine the moral requirement to try to pay them; and, further, that the inability to fully settle a moral debt is not a shortcoming to lament, but closer to a blessing in disguise, because acknowledging past misdeeds and embracing the moral implications of deep entanglement may foster greater reciprocity and solidarity in the international realm.

This article reinterprets Toyotomi Hideyoshi’s invasions of Korea (1592–1598) as a project of revisionist order-building undertaken by a liminal polity situated between two competing systems: the declining Ming-centered Chinese international system and the advancing Spanish–Portuguese imperial order. Rather than viewing the invasions as products of domestic consolidation, megalomania, or simple expansionism, the study situates them within Japan’s systemic dilemma of in-betweenness. From this perspective, Hideyoshi’s campaigns represented an attempt to construct a Japan-centered international system designed to assert autonomy, deter Iberian colonization, and reconfigure regional hierarchy. Drawing on the concept of liminality in international relations (IR), the paper shows how actors at the margins of overlapping systems can exercise strategic agency – not only adapting to dominant orders but seeking to create alternative ones. Hideyoshi’s vision combined elements of the Chinese international system and deterrent signaling aimed at European powers, producing a hybrid order neither Confucian nor colonial. Although the project collapsed after his death, it temporarily deterred European expansion and reshaped East Asian political dynamics. Theoretically, this case extends debates on revisionism and liminality, demonstrating that order-building from the margins can be both creative and destructive, illuminating broader dynamics of plural international orders.

Fungus-resistant grape varieties (FRGVs) offer considerable ecological and economic benefits through reduced fungicide use, yet their cultivation remains limited. Due to the unfamiliarity of these varieties, marketing them is challenging. This study investigates the pricing and presence of FRGVs in the German high-priced wine segment. The aim is to uncover differences in the value-giving attributes of wines from FRGVs and conventional varieties. A hedonic price model was applied to multiyear (2016–2024) data from the renowned German wine guide “Der Eichelmann” using both OLS and quantile regression (n ≈ 73,800). Our results show that FRGVs are currently only marginally represented in the wine guide. Of the 36 FRGVs authorized in Germany, wines made from only 5 of those varieties appear in noteworthy quantities. FRGVs achieve, ceteris paribus, implicit price premiums compared to conventional varieties. However, as FRGVs are predominantly marketed by wineries with lower reputations and tend to receive lower expert ratings, their average price is below that of conventional varieties. The findings underscore the need for targeted marketing strategies that effectively communicate the sustainability benefits of FRGVs, strengthen credibility through reputable producers, and concentrate on “flagship varieties” to facilitate market penetration.

While we witness historic changes taking place in the conception and practice of citizenship, we know little about the political consequences it may bring. What are the effects of citizenship, as a status and a process, on political engagement? To gain leverage in addressing this question, we draw on citizenship categories that combine birthplace and the number of citizenship held. We compare US-born dual citizens to both naturalized-dual citizens and US-born mono citizens, which allows us to distinguish between the potential effects of socialization and the additional legal status. The study analyses two large nationally representative samples, presenting the first look at dual citizens in the United States. Results indicate that among dual citizens, those born in the US tend to participate more in politics than immigrants who naturalized. Among US-born citizens, the political participation of dual and mono citizens varies depending on the type of political activity. The study contributes to theoretical discussions on the relationship between an evolving citizenry and democratic participation.

In The Emperor’s New Mind [7], Roger Penrose proves a variant of the halting problem, and uses it to argue that humans have cognitive capacities beyond the computable. In this short note, I explicate his argument, and show how it fails, via a corollary of his result. My response to Penrose is in fact of a kind with a number of prior responses: he assumes human powers, that (as the corollary shows) no computer could have. However, as far as I am aware, no one has previously addressed this specific form of the argument, in the direct way that I will.

Schizophrenia (SZ), bipolar disorder (BD), and depressive disorder (DEP) are disabling diseases influenced by genetic and environmental factors. Several risk factors have been identified for these disorders in various systematic reviews, meta-analyses, and umbrella reviews. Identifying risk factors for these disorders is essential to be able to target disorder-specific or transdiagnostic interventions. We aimed to systematically review existing meta-analyses on selected risk factors for SZ, BD, and DEP. We systematically searched for meta-analyses of risk factors relating to pregnancy and birth, childhood and adolescence, lifestyle, somatic conditions, infectious agents, and environmental exposures published since 2000. The transdiagnostic comparison included 70 meta-analyses, encompassing results for 55 risk factors that were studied across at least two of the three disorders. In our extensive transdiagnostic umbrella, 74% of reported effect sizes for the risk factors from meta-analyses were statistically significant. Childhood maltreatment was a robust transdiagnostic risk factor for all three disorders. We also found differences in risk factors, for example, pregnancy and birth complications associated strongly with SZ risk, and several somatic conditions were associated with DEP. It should be noted that many meta-analyses were low quality and based on a small number of original studies. More high-quality longitudinal research is needed on many risk factors to be able to evaluate their validity in single outcomes and their potential specificity or non-specificity.

The co-occurrence of mental illness and substance use disorders (SUDs) presents a significant public health challenge with affected individuals facing compounded stigma that leads to poor health outcomes, social exclusion, and systemic neglect. Despite growing recognition of stigma as a social determinant of health in people with comorbid mental illness and SUDs, current responses remain largely confined to clinical and academic settings. This article argues that civil society, particularly groups led by individuals with lived experience, represents an underutilized yet powerful force in combating stigma. Drawing from historical movements such as HIV/AIDS activism and contemporary examples from peer-led movements, we highlight how civil society organizations (CSOs) have reshaped public discourse, influenced policy, and fostered inclusive research. We examine emerging efforts in low resource settings and explore the transformative potential of digital civil society spaces. We advocate for a shift in stigma reduction paradigms to those that center lived experience, supports cross-sectoral collaboration, and recognizes both physical and digital civil society as essential to inclusive and sustainable change. To addressing the complex and intersecting stigmas associated with comorbid mental illness and SUDs, we recommend investing in CSOs, especially those grounded in participatory, culturally relevant approaches, particularly in low- and middle-income settings.