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Recent digital developments provide new opportunities for entrepreneurs to market and present themselves. For solo entrepreneurs, where the business and entrepreneur coincide, self-presentation strategies on social media may be particularly relevant. Using regression analysis, we investigate the personal and business-related characteristics of solo entrepreneurs who typically rely heavily on social media for self-presentation. Data are used from a unique survey conducted among solo entrepreneurs in Austria. At the conceptual level, the impression management theory of Goffman from the 1950s creates the theoretical background, and our paper links three fields of research: social media use, impression management, and aspects relating to solo self-employment. The empirical analysis reveals that the typical solo entrepreneur who attaches great importance to social media use for self-presentation purposes is a female entrepreneur running a young business (younger than 5 years) in the retail industry, with good mental health but relatively poor financial health.
Recently, there have been discussions about the shape of the heliopause. Some scientists question the classical form, which is close to a paraboloid. They suggest that the heliopause may have a two-jet collimated shape. While we disagree with this view of the heliopause shape, it seems likely that for stars with stronger stellar magnetic fields and those that are at rest or moving slowly through the interstellar medium, the astropause will have a two-jet collimated shape. This paper raises the question of the stability of the two-jet collimated astrosphere. Recent studies have noted the emergence of instability in the heliosheath near the axis of the heliospheric jets, linking this to the action of neutral hydrogen atoms. We note in this paper that astrospheric jets can become unstable in the presence of strong magnetic fields, even without the influence of atoms, which is unexpected. Furthermore, due to a feedback mechanism, astrospheric jets undergo self-oscillation. We investigated the development of this instability, the nature of the feedback mechanism, and the period of self-oscillation for different system parameters. Our findings provide valuable insights into the behaviour of these unique plasma structures, and they are another step towards studying the stability of two-jet collimated astrospheres.
The text of the First Amendment explicitly protects two foundational social institutions: religion and the press. Since 2021, however, the Supreme Court has increasingly granted one of these two institutions – religion – a status of heightened constitutional privilege. In contrast, current law treats the other First Amendment institution – the press – as wholly unexceptional. However, the press is defined – from newspapers to television and bloggers in pajamas to professional journalists – it receives no greater constitutional protections than any other speaker. The Court has essentially read the Press Clause out of the Constitution, voiding its specific textual commitment, despite the absence of any countervailing constitutional provision parallel to the Establishment Clause. Until religion law’s recent exceptional turn, the law’s treatment of religion and the press were in some sense parallel. Recently, they have diverged, as press law has not kept pace with changes in religion law. In this chapter, I argue that the press should be treated at least as constitutionally exceptional as religion, and I explore what such press exceptionalism might mean in practice.
The alfalfa weevil Hypera postica Gyllenhal (Coleoptera: Curculionidae) is one of the most destructive alfalfa pests in the world, resulting in substantial economic losses. However, the amount of damage can be reduced by larval parasitoids of the genus Bathyplectes Förster (Hymenoptera: Ichneumonidae) as a conservation biological control strategy. Parasitoids are currently identified by morphological body characteristics, cocoon morphology, and/or DNA analysis, but geometric morphometrics (GM) applied to the wing vein arrangement may also reveal differences between specimens. We distinguished 61 B. anurus (Thomson) and 41 B. curculionis (Thomson) specimens, based on the appearance of the cocoon. GM revealed statistically significant differences in wing vein patterns and fore wing shapes between species, but not between sexes within the same species. The 1 M + 1R1 cell, also known as the horsehead cell, was revealed to be an easy and reliable morphological character for species differentiation. Despite the New World literature, this is the first European report providing a visual method to differentiate B. anurus from B. curculionis. This study highlights the importance of precise species identification methods, such as geometric morphometry. It can contribute to a better implementation of biological control strategies against the alfalfa weevil in Spain and other Mediterranean countries.
The Supreme Court’s 1945 ruling in Associated Press v. United States identifies a public right to robust, accurate information. Many of America’s most consequential journalists hold this as a core value, viewing it as an individual right to the press, and not simply freedom of the press as an industry. It is a vow that citizens in our democracy will have access to reliable, accurate, comprehensive information in order to empower their full enfranchisement in our democracy; the promise that each citizen has a right to know.
A free press is often heralded as a key cornerstone of American democracy, a vital institution tasked with informing the public and holding those in power accountable. Yet, as the industry faces an existential crisis, with the collapse of traditional business models and the rise of deep political polarization amid a sea of misinformation and propaganda, it has become increasingly clear that thinking of press freedom only in terms of a market that must be protected from government interference cannot sustain the kind of robust, diverse, and accessible press that a healthy democracy requires. This chapter argues that to truly fulfill the promise of a “right to know” for all people, we must reimagine the relationship between the press and the public and consider bold new forms of public support for journalism.
Widespread recognition of the crises in the ecosystem for news in the United States points to multiple dimensions: The funding model for local news has collapsed as advertising and eyeballs have migrated to online social media platforms. Digital platforms and partisan media outlets do not halt and instead enable the rise in misinformation and disinformation. Private equity companies, committed only to short-term profits, are purchasing and strip-mining even profitable local news outlets. The public’s trust in conventional (and fast disappearing) news outlets is declining rapidly and the results contribute to our social and political divisions. With a particular focus on local news, this chapter first sketches federal constitutional and governmental support of news gathering and circulation; then turns to current sources of disruption and potential constructive reforms; proposes a set of responsibilities for social media companies, protections for users and consumers, and investments to amplify both supply and demand specifically regarding local news, and finally, identifies some promising recent developments and further questions that they present.
Finger weeders were first developed in the 1950s and have since been widely adopted by farmers to improve physical weed control (PWC) within crop rows. Research on finger weeders has largely been comparative, with most studies identifying a top-performing weed control practice among various physical or chemical treatments. Weeding tool performance, however, is often highly variable, affected by tool design and adjustment, soil conditions, and both weed and crop species and size. Finger weeder operating settings have not been systematically tested to determine whether they could optimize tool performance. In this project, field and soil bin experiments examined the effects of finger weeder angle, spacing, and speed on weed control efficacy and weed/crop selectivity. Three finger weeder angles were tested: 108°, which removed soil near the crop; 90°, typical for most commercial tools; and 68°, which moved soil into the crop row. Three spacings and speeds were compared: fingers overlapping (−0.6 cm), touching (0 cm), or spaced apart (2.5 cm); and 4, 7, and 9 km h−1. In both the field and soil bin, finger weeders set at a 68° angle resulted in the greatest efficacy. Decreasing finger spacing and increasing speed improved efficacy in soil bin experiments, as expected, but spacing and speed effects were not detected in the field. The experimental soil bin system shows promise for PWC testing, possibly offering insights that could not be detected in more variable field conditions.
The first goal of this chapter is to argue that the press as an institution is entitled to special solicitude under the First Amendment, not only because it is textually specified in the Constitution or because it serves important roles such as checking public and private power, but because it can contribute to the marketplace of ideas in ways that a healthy democracy needs. In other words, the press as an institution can provide an important link between the First Amendment’s epistemic and democratic values. The chapter’s second goal is to provide a rough and preliminary sketch of the relationship between press freedom, violence, and public discourse. Some elements seem straightforward enough. Violence and harassment obstruct the press’s function, including its traditional role in constituting and shaping public discourse. Distrust, disinformation, violence, and press degradation exist in a mutually reinforcing ecosystem. And even as violence shapes the media, the media shapes the social conditions, understandings, and practice of violence in return. Journalism, albeit in different ways than legal interpretation, “takes place on a field of pain and death,” to repurpose Robert Cover’s famous phrase – not only in describing it but in making it real. This, it should go without saying, is no excuse for violence against media members. The point is, rather, that a healthy press can be a bulwark not only for knowledge and democracy but against the kinds of private and public violence that threaten both.
In this work, we demonstrate the generation of high-performance tunable Raman solitons beyond 3 μm in a 10 cm, large-core (40 μm) fluorotellurite fiber. The pump source is a high-peak-power Raman soliton generated through soliton fission in a silica fiber. By further cascading the 10 cm highly nonlinear fluorotellurite fiber, this Raman soliton undergoes successive high-order soliton fission and soliton self-frequency shift with a tunable range of 2.7–3.3 μm. Such an ultra-short-length and ultra-large-core fiber significantly reduces the pulse width of the 3.3 μm Raman soliton to 55 fs, doubling the peak power to 2.3 MW compared to previous studies. Furthermore, owing to the seed’s high-repetition-frequency feature, the 3.3 μm Raman soliton’s power exceeds 2 W. These performance metrics represent the highest levels achieved for Raman solitons at wavelengths above 3 μm, offering a simple and effective new approach for generating high-peak-power femtosecond pulses in the mid-infrared spectral region.
One of the Supreme Court’s most significant First Amendment rulings may be in peril. For the past 60 years, the landmark 1964 decision of New York Times Co. v. Sullivan and the cases that followed have secured strong First Amendment protections for the press and others who speak on public affairs. Under these cases, public officials and public figures must show that the speaker acted with “actual malice” or “reckless disregard” of the truth in order to win a libel suit. This chapter draws heavily on my book Actual Malice: Civil Rights and Freedom of the Press in New York Times v. Sullivan (Oakland: University of California Press, 2023). Scholars and advocates have long celebrated Sullivan as one of the most important Supreme Court rulings for the protection of press freedom. Yet, this history also lays bare the high stakes of losing the First Amendment protections recognized in Sullivan. Prior to the Court’s ruling in Sullivan, government officials and other public figures routinely weaponized libel laws to suppress their critics, particularly members of the press. This chapter uses history to explain how and why Sullivan nearly eliminated those overwhelming threats to the press. If New York Times Co. v. Sullivan and related cases are overruled, libel suits could again become weapons of blatant political suppression.
Given a symmetric monoidal category ${\mathcal C}$ with product $\sqcup $, where the neutral element for the product is an initial object, we consider the poset of $\sqcup $-complemented subobjects of a given object X. When this poset has finite height, we define decompositions and partial decompositions of X which are coherent with $\sqcup $, and order them by refinement. From these posets, we define complexes of frames and partial bases, augmented Bergman complexes and related ordered versions. We propose a unified approach to the study of their combinatorics and homotopy type, establishing various properties and relations between them. Via explicit homotopy formulas, we will be able to transfer structural properties, such as Cohen-Macaulayness.
In well-studied scenarios, the poset of $\sqcup $-complemented subobjects specializes to the poset of free factors of a free group, the subspace poset of a vector space, the poset of nondegenerate subspaces of a vector space with a nondegenerate form, and the lattice of flats of a matroid. The decomposition and partial decomposition posets, the complex of frames and partial bases together with the ordered versions, either coincide with well-known structures, generalize them, or yield new interesting objects. In these particular cases, we provide new results along with open questions and conjectures.
To sustain a protracted war after losing foreign loans and reserves and being sanctioned by the Allies, Japan used its ‘internal financing mechanism’ to gobble up civilian capital through government bonds, unbacked paper currency and interest rate interventions. These tactics aggrandised the size of the monetary base and money supply in Japan’s home islands and colonies, but also created inflationary pressures. To minimise the risk of (hyper)inflation, the government encouraged civilians to save in order to enrich the capital of financial intermediaries who would then absorb the ever-increasing government bonds. The ideal failed as monetary expansion outstripped economic productivity, even though expansionary monetary policy had to be tolerable in order to supply sufficient credit for war production. Imperial Japan’s use of unsecured credit to finance the war, together with its loose exchange controls, led to the diversion of colonial hyperinflationary pressures to the home islands, multiplying the risk of implosion of the ‘internal financing mechanism’. Although draconian currency controls were subsequently introduced, they further disrupted the empire’s economic order, and eventually led to the collapse of the yen bloc.
Heart failure in children is a clinical and pathophysiological syndrome arising from ventricular dysfunction and pressure or volume overload of the circulatory system. Features of paediatric heart failure include feeding problems, poor weight gain, exercise intolerance, or dyspnoea. The aetiology of heart failure in children is complex, with the primary causes being CHD and cardiomyopathies. Cardiomyopathies occur at an incidence of 1.13–1.24 cases per 100,000 children. The prevalence of cardiomyopathy is estimated to be 7.8–8.3 cases per 100,000 infants, particularly common in patients under one year of age presenting with severe heart failure symptoms. Mitral valve insufficiency is a significant source of morbidity in children with dilated cardiomyopathy. Severe mitral insufficiency can lead to a decrease in cardiac output, independent of the left ventricular ejection fraction, exacerbating the clinical course of heart failure in patients with dilated cardiomyopathy. As ventricular systolic function deteriorates, the options for treating mitral insufficiency decrease, leading to a loss of surgical intervention opportunities and making heart transplantation the only viable option. Close monitoring of mitral valve insufficiency in children with dilated cardiomyopathy is essential, as it may lead to decompensated heart failure. In patients who have lost the chance for valve surgery due to decompensation, the application of left ventricular assist device can help improve the decompensatory state and contribute to the reduction of left ventricular diastolic and systolic dimensions, consequently leading to improvements in the dilation of the mitral annulus and severe mitral insufficiency findings. Further studies are needed to determine the optimal timing for surgery in patients who have not missed the chance for valve surgery due to a decrease in ejection fraction.
Chapter 6 turns to ritual processions or parades (pompai) which formed part of ancient Greek religious festivals. On the evidence of the Great Dionysia of 309/308 BCE organised by Demetrius of Phalerum, Ptolemy II’s ‘Grand Procession’ shortly thereafter, and Herodes Atticus’ Panathenaea of 143 CE, large, self-animated machines, known as automata, became a feature of Hellenistic processions. Automata were effective as processional equipment because they enhanced existing features of religious procession: narrative, synaesthesia, and the call–response relation between worshippers and the deity. Automata in procession attest to the new technological capabilities of the Hellenistic period and are harnessed within new religious and political realities including the development of ruler cult, but their effective deployment was based on existing theological structures. The chapter also looks in detail at the only extant technical text dedicated to the construction of automata: Hero of Alexandria’s On Automata.
In recent years, analysts have raised concerns about the threat misinformation poses to democracy, yet efforts to counter misinformation have been met with charges of bias and censorship, predominantly from the political right. This article asks who sets the terms of debate over misinformation: what it is, how much there is, whether it is a problem, and what to do about it. It frames the past decade’s controversies around misinformation as an implicit struggle for authority and offers a framework to interpret the arguments of the actors involved. It identifies three coalitions with distinct institutional and ideological profiles that have articulated consistent stances on misinformation. The analysis demonstrates how contestation among competing coalitions plays out in five distinct domains of misinformation: content, attribution, scale, consequences, and policy. Viewing the misinformation debate as part of broader political and cultural struggles within democracies at a time of low trust in institutions helps explain why (mis)information is so fiercely contested. The issue takes on outsize proportions because whoever prevails in shaping the discourse surrounding misinformation stands to gain authority over the rules governing the public sphere, with implications for the future of free speech and democratic participation.
As the United States faces the real threat of democratic backsliding, it is clear that the current commercial news media simply lacks the power and capacity to facilitate the development of the “informed citizen” who is foundational to liberal democratic ideals. This piece argues for the need to reconceptualize citizenship in an era when professional journalism plays a significantly diminished role in directly shaping our news and information environment, especially at the local level. I make the case that we must consider what it means to live in a post-newspaper democracy. In a time of market failure for local news, both journalists and the public need to identify which functions are unique to professional journalism as a civic institution. I join others who have argued that we need to move away from the concept of the “good citizen” as only a consumer of information/voter as their form of civic participation. I call for reimagining citizenship with communication at its center. Within this theory of “communicative citizenship,” a good citizen plays the civic role of communicator, not as a replacement for journalists, but instead as a facilitator of the flow of reliable civic information from institutions to their fellow community members.