Effectively controlling systems governed by partial differential equations (PDEs) is crucial in several fields of applied sciences and engineering. These systems usually yield significant challenges to conventional control schemes due to their nonlinear dynamics, partial observability, high-dimensionality once discretized, distributed nature, and the requirement for low-latency feedback control. Reinforcement learning (RL), particularly deep RL (DRL), has recently emerged as a promising control paradigm for such systems, demonstrating exceptional capabilities in managing high-dimensional, nonlinear dynamics. However, DRL faces challenges, including sample inefficiency, robustness issues, and an overall lack of interpretability. To address these challenges, we propose a data-efficient, interpretable, and scalable Dyna-style model-based RL framework specifically tailored for PDE control. Our approach integrates Sparse Identification of Nonlinear Dynamics with Control within an Autoencoder-based dimensionality reduction scheme for PDE states and actions (AE+SINDy-C). This combination enables fast rollouts with significantly fewer environment interactions while providing an interpretable latent space representation of the PDE dynamics, facilitating insight into the control process. We validate our method on two PDE problems describing fluid flows—namely, the 1D Burgers equation and 2D Navier–Stokes equations—comparing it against a model-free baseline. Our extensive analysis highlights improved sample efficiency, stability, and interpretability in controlling complex PDE systems.

How do Euroskeptic parties adjust their rhetoric when the European Union expands its fiscal and redistributive role? We address this question by examining the impact of the next-generation EU (NGEU) program on parliamentary debates in Italy, the largest beneficiary of EU recovery funds. Drawing on an original dataset of over 700 hand-coded parliamentary statements covering 30 debates in the Italian Chamber of Deputies (2018–2024), we show that the launch of NGEU coincided with a measurable increase in supportive rhetoric toward the EU, especially among parties with Euroskeptic profiles, a shift that is not solely attributable to changes in government status. Our findings suggest that EU-level redistributive policies can contribute to altering, at least temporarily, domestic party discourse in parliament, pointing to the domestic political relevance of fiscal integration

The cold, low carbon dioxide (CO2) conditions of the Pleistocene epoch fundamentally structured ecosystems, profoundly influencing the evolutionary trajectory of Homo sapiens and other large mammals. Although often considered uniquely stable, the Holocene is more usefully viewed as just another Pleistocene interglacial interval that was naturally trending towards a renewed glacial phase. However, rapid anthropogenic greenhouse gas emission rates have reversed this trajectory and might have now foreclosed the prospect of returning to cyclic glacial climates for millennia. A large set of flora and fauna has benefited from low CO2 conditions, which we define as low-CO2 dependents. By elevating atmospheric CO2 concentrations beyond levels seen for millions of years, we have accelerated global warming beyond the adaptive capacities of many species and ecosystems. African savannas and grasslands are particularly relevant in this context because this was the environment in which the human species evolved. These biomes have been previously maintained by fire and carbon scarcity but are now experiencing woody encroachment driven by rising CO2. The resultant global reforestation further threatens biodiversity adapted to open ecosystems, while rewilding initiatives must therefore pair prehistoric analogues with explicit climate-fitness tests that anticipate mid-century CO2 trajectories. Addressing these complex challenges requires both targeted local interventions and systemic policy reforms, grounded in a pragmatic recognition of the transient nature of the Holocene. Recognising the transience of any single baseline allows conservation and agriculture to plan for a dynamic, overshoot-prone future.

Can Hartian positivism adequately explain disagreements, among U.S. officials, about the correct method of statutory interpretation? Ronald Dworkin influentially argued it cannot. Dworkin maintained that (1) debates about the correct method of statutory interpretation are ‘theoretical’ disagreements; and (2) Hartian positivism cannot explain theoretical disagreements, except by positing implausible confusion or disingenuity on the part of legal officials. I show here that (1) is false. A disagreement about the correct method of statutory interpretation need not involve a theoretical disagreement of any kind. It may instead involve a purely ‘denotational’ disagreement among officials—i.e., a disagreement about the denotation of a concept appearing in a criterion of legal validity that all officials accept. I argue that, since the U.S. statutory interpretation debate plausibly is a purely denotational one, it does not pose the difficulties for Hartian positivism that Dworkin and other critics have supposed.

Theodicies attempt to explain why evil and suffering might exist in a world governed by an omnipotent, omniscient, and wholly good God. Some theodicies focus on pointing out benefits that suffering seems necessary for, though in many cases the benefits are primarily for someone other than the sufferer. Some philosophers find it morally objectionable for God to let one person suffer in order to benefit someone else, and this is thought to be a weakness of some otherwise promising theodicies. I discuss two moral concerns in this context: a mere-means-to-an-end concern and a concern about horrendous evils remaining undefeated. I argue that incorporating a doctrine of reincarnation may help some theodicies resolve both of these moral concerns, giving theodicists reason to turn towards such doctrines.

This article aims to explain how passive participles used as prenominal modifiers developed their eventive nature throughout the history of English. It is argued that prenominal participles first expressed stative result states in Old English (OE) and came to express perfect result states later on. The locus of required resultativity in participles was the inner aspect head in OE, while in Early Middle English (EME), it shifted to the outer aspect head. This shift was triggered by the loss of OE aspectual prefixes, which generally functioned to perfectivize or transitivize the verb by affecting its (internal) argument and assigning a change-of-state meaning to the verb. This shift rendered participial formation to be less constrained, as a result of which, it became possible for prenominal participles to express perfect resultative meanings, which in turn gave rise to their eventive meanings.

We propose a one-to-many matching estimator of the average treatment effect based on propensity scores estimated by isotonic regression. This approach is predicated on the assumption of monotonicity in the propensity score function, a condition that can be justified in many economic applications. We show that the nature of the isotonic estimator can help us to fix many problems of existing matching methods, including efficiency, choice of the number of matches, choice of tuning parameters, robustness to propensity score misspecification, and bootstrap validity. As a by-product, a uniformly consistent isotonic estimator is developed for our proposed matching method.

The incorporation of victim participation into the legal framework of the International Criminal Court (ICC) brought hope, to some, that the voices of victims would be elevated and heard more clearly in the ICC’s proceedings than they had been at previous international criminal tribunals, where they could participate only as witnesses. While research has emphasized the significant distinction to be drawn between the wide pool of victims of international crime and the far more restricted pool of ‘juridified victims’ who participate in international criminal proceedings, less attention has been drawn to the demographics of the juridified victim and the extent to which victim participation is shaped by factors such as age, gender, and disability. This article presents the results of a survey of practitioners and analysis of court documents which indicate that there are a wide range of barriers to the participation of certain groups of victims, which can result in their under-representation. It proposes measures that can be taken to foster a more inclusive victim participation scheme and calls for more rigorous monitoring and reporting on the demographics of victims that participate in ICC proceedings. It also sets out a case for greater inclusion rooted in the rights of victims, the requirements of the Court’s legal framework, the goals of the ICC and the promotion of victim agency and voice.

This article conceptually and empirically explores the Interwar Era’s variant of the ‘electoral authoritarian’ regime-type, relying on a unique recategorisation of all Central and Eastern European states to systematically classify non-democratic regimes between the two World Wars. Modern electoral authoritarian regimes are notable for combining the ‘standard model’ of electoralist structural features common to contemporary democracy with identifiably authoritarian political orders. Electoralist regimes of the period were distinct from those of today, with a greater emphasis on anti-political dominant parties, the inheritance of 19th century-style parliamentarism in terms of both institutional and political culture, and a reliance on unaccountable apex executives who nevertheless allowed authoritarian forms of multiparty politics. The article also introduces the era’s primary alternative for institutionalized regimes that do not fit the simple label of traditional dictatorship or electoral authoritarianism: the ‘institutional-hierarchical’ model. This characterizes innovations in corporatist-style economic and sectoral representation, as well as explicitly top-down, non-electoralist authoritarian constitutional structures and mobilized, single-party institutions. The article reviews all Interwar regimes in the region, providing alternative regime conceptualizations, exploratory classifications, and an illustrative case-study of Poland’s post-1926 Interwar style electoral authoritarian regime, highlighting both the survival of older electoralist models alongside a growing movement towards both more personalist and institutional-hierarchical formats by the 1930s.