Cultural audiences are marked by significant inequalities. Almost every artform, aside from film, is attended by only a minority of the population. We see significant differences in levels of attendance and participation by class, gender, and race, with geography, age, and disability also influential in shaping the minority who are heavily engaged in formal culture. In contrast, everyday culture is much more popular.This division is part of how the very idea of culture is marked by inequality. Hierarchies and what ‘counts’ as culture for the purposes of surveys reflect long-standing struggles over what is, and what is not, given legitimacy.Hierarchy and inequality are clear in the intersectional analysis offered by the chapter. This show that even within the minority of the population who are highly engaged in culture, cultural occupations stand out. Our artistic, literary, media, and performance workers are by far the most committed to culture. This, again, reflects a distance between cultural occupations and the rest of society.Finally, the chapter shows how these inequalities are present irrespective of the type of data, whether ticketing or survey, used for the analysis.

Money matters. Chapter 6 analyses the role of economic resources, economic capital, in access to cultural jobs. It focuses on experiences of unpaid work. Unpaid work seems to be endemic to cultural occupations, both as a route to getting in and getting on.Part of the reason cultural workers are willing to put up with low and no pay for their labour are the joys and pleasures that come from cultural work. At the same time, the chapter shows how what seems to be a shared experience of cultural work is important to keeping low and no pay a type of norm for cultural occupations.In fact, the shared experience is stratified by age and by class. Class and age reveal very different experiences of unpaid work. Older creative workers were much more likely to have the creative freedom described by their younger, middle-class origin, colleagues.Middle-class origin younger people experienced positive aspects of unpaid work. For those with the right sorts of resources associated with middle-class origins, it gave them creative freedom, as well as routes into high-profile work. For those without such resources it was often just exploitation.

John Derricke’s Image of Irelande is regularly mined by historians and critics interested in its ethnographic observations, propagandistic pro-Sidney agenda and the informative detail of its woodcut illustrations. Little has been written, however, about the formal, stylistic and rhetorical aspects of the text itself, and of the confection of verse modes Derricke brings together. This chapter addresses this situation by examining Derricke’s employment of an elaborate vatic compositional fiction, multiple metrical forms and narratorial standpoints, and a distinct set of rhetorical devices (in particular analogy and antithesis). It poses questions about Derricke’s fundamental decision to anatomise his subject using poetry rather than prose, and about the place of allegory or figura in the text, and it considers some of the different generic models he may have had in mind when exploring the role and interplay of words, images and action in both the maintenance and representation of order in Tudor Ireland.

This chapter examines the position of ministers who may be selected to deputise for the prime minister, but who may do so on an informal basis, not being formally titled as deputy, those who may be given the title of deputy prime minister, but who have to be given a ministerial post in order to receive a salary, and those who may be given the post of first secretary of state. It addresses the reasons why deputy prime minister is a title and not a salaried ministerial office and the use made by the prime minister of either or both the title of deputy prime minister and post of first secretary of state.

The chapter identifies the history of referendums in the United Kingdom, examines calls for their use in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, their use in and since the 1970s and the arguments deployed for and against their employment. It focuses on the implications of requiring parliamentary approval and their use on an ad hoc basis. It addresses the consequences of their use and the clash of legitimacies entailed by the use of referendums (direct democracy) and general elections (representative democracy).

Among some of its most fervent advocates, European Monetary Union was meant to bring about the final merging of European destinies into a common political entity. This chapter explores the long term preparations that were made to create a single currency encompassing a large part of the European Union. It shows how the impetus was essentially political, to erode the power of the nation-state and speed up the installation of a supra-national alternative through hurtling towards monetary union. For most of the existence of the European Union, the push towards integration has involved political leaders trying to achieve common ground around a uniform monetary policy for Europe. The euro was exposed as top-down political project in the hands of politicians, functionaries and lobbyists who had lost touch with some essential aspects of political reality. From 2009 onwards, the limitations of the euro were exposed by a deepening financial crisis.

This chapter offers a portrait of a European Union in 2013 wracked by mutual suspicions. Elites in that year dropped the pretence that further integration efforts could produce common benefits. The EU had devised such defective processes for managing high-level responsibilities that it remained paralysed when these low-grade forms of management spun large areas of the eurozone into crisis. Southern European political elites shrank from embracing bold remedies for the economic crisis. Most were seen as involving an abandonment of the euro or else a temporary suspension for some members, or a breaking up of the currency union into several workable parts. The EU will become an entity of secondary importance unless it can redesign itself as a force concerned to identify and defend a European common good. This involves burying the Cold War with national states who view a supra-national Europe as both threatening and unworkable.

This chapter looks at the ways in which a prime minister is chosen as well as the means by which a prime minister may be removed from office. It identifies how the means of choosing a prime minister has changed over time as well as problems deriving from circumstances where it is not clear who should be called to form a government, where there is a sudden vacancy caused by the death or incapacity of the incumbent, and where there may be some uncertainty as to who commands a majority of the House of Commons. It also addresses how prime ministers may be removed from office, other than through defeat in a general election.

Chapter 2 delves into the book’s theoretical framework for grasping the strategic triangle. It first introduces how International Relations of the Middle East (IRME) has developed in the intersection of the discipline and Area Studies, focusing on how a dilemma between particularism and universalism has permeated the field of study. Second, it pinpoints that many outstanding works today combine Area Studies’ in-depth knowledge about the region with IR’s more parsimonious theories and concepts in eclectic combinations that cope with local particularities while highlighting systemic pressures. Nevertheless, the chapter argues that this analytical eclecticism suffers from many pitfalls, particularly when it comes to contributing to the overall progressivity of the IR discipline and its de-Westernisation. For that matter, the chapter presents Neoclassical Realism (NCR) as an effective solution, as it is also a Realist course correction that opens the state’s black box to include domestic variables in structural analysis. This way, NCR is presented as a theoretical approach that can circumvent some analytical eclecticism’s shortfalls while maintaining in-depth analysis, rich explanatory, theoretical rigor, and practical value. After reviewing NCR’s foundations, objectives, and methodological preferences, the chapter presents the book’s explanative chain. While the independent variable continues to be systemic, the book explores how status satisfaction, state identity, and leadership preferences for Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United States work as variables shaping their decision-making process concerning international politics. This way, the strategic triangle, which is the dependent variable, is presented as malleable, complex, and passive of change due to external and internal pressures.

Chapter 4 builds on Chris’s own intelligent reflections on criminalisation and deportation. Chris said that he had to ‘be what society is’, and the chapter suggests that he did not ‘fail to integrate’, but was perhaps too well integrated into a violently unequal, racist and sexist society. The chapter explores Chris’s contradictions and complexities, and highlights the ways in which he developed relationships across lines of ethnic and national difference in quite unremarkable ways. The concept of conviviality is enlisted as an alternative to culturalist explanations for crime. Ultimately, the chapter explains Chris’s criminality in terms of material rather than cultural deprivation. The final section of the chapter discusses Chris’s attempts to appeal his deportation on the basis of ‘family life’. However, the Home Office effectively constructed Chris as irresponsible and undeserving on the basis of normative judgements surrounding race, class, gender and ‘the family’.