This chapter suggests that the self-representation of English Catholics after 1660, together with many of the internal debates within the community, was shaped by patterns of correspondence or confrontation with the established church. Across the spectrum of English society, the Church of England was forced to confront an active community of Catholic dissenters, represented in disproportionate numbers among the gentry and aristocracy. The chapter looks at the practical relationship forged between recusants and Anglicans in the parishes. It focuses on the public exchanges between the two communities, reviewing the rhetorical stratagems called upon by Catholics variously to court or critique the church by law established, and charting the shifts and reverses within the Protestant response. The chapter argues that the clash between 1685 and 1688 arose from causes wider than simply the policies of James II.

This chapter explores the accomplishments of the First Aid Nursing Yeomanry (FANY) driving for the French and those working in the new British convoy at St Omer. The main problem the FANY encountered was insubordination from French mechanics who refused to work in the open air, neglected the cars and most likely resented working for women. 'Strenuous' described work for all French units during the Spring of 1918, as drivers evacuated hospitals, dealt with civilian casualties and endured nightly air raids. The chapter focuses on the competence and indispensability of the FANY as fully militarized women operating independently with authority in masculine space. Refusing to subordinate their experiences to the masculine stories of war, the FANY created narratives from the feminine fabric of their lives and became petticoat warriors: fully militarized women whose experiences were represented through the prism of traditional femininity.

This chapter contrasts the Kennedy administration's approach with that of Eisenhower, examining how political culture shaped its ‘modernization’ theoretical framework and its application in developing areas in the form of the United States Overseas Internal Defence Policy, or USOIDP. The chapter also explores the implementation of the Kennedy-Johnson era approach and contrasts cases of two recipient countries. One is Indonesia, where the US had limited access to government. The other is South Vietnam, where access was almost unlimited. The USOIDP represented a broad and ambitious effort to integrate nation building and economic aid programs of the so-called ‘other war’ with military measures such as the expanded use of special operations forces, counter-insurgency and Citizens' Irregular Defense Groups or CIDG.

Housing histories highlight the necessity of focusing on locality in analysing the dynamics of the decision-making process. National government, local authorities, professionals and ideologies had the most impact on local politics and policy. The efforts of Manchester's social reformers and many local politicians are in many respects to be applauded. They created a discourse that served the people and the city's grand ambitions. The legacy of the factory developments, and of a crumbling old housing stock, was obviously most acutely felt by the tenants. They produced an alternative local discourse developed around anger and frustration. Tenants adopted the language and the organisational structure of the consumer movement. Public service reform under New Labour has been partly determined by what Frank Field described as the demanding "citizen-consumer". The language of consumerism provided a relevant expression of their needs. Local politics, and local political authority, failed to satisfy their hopes and aspirations.

This chapter argues that two dramatic monologues from Poems and Ballads, First Series, 'Hymn to Proserpine' and 'The Leper', seek respectively to revise two of Robert Browning's best-known examples of the form, 'Cleon' and 'Porphyria's Lover'. It claims that Algernon Charles Swinburne's aestheticism was in part an effect of the complexities he confronted when he sought to define himself against the conventions of Victorian religious doubt and to cast atheism as a mode of Romantic transgression. As an undergraduate at Oxford, Swinburne fantasised about reviewing his own poetry and identifying his 'models' as 'that is blasphemy and sensuality', an arresting formulation that seems to posit transgression itself as a celebrated literary form or precursor poet. As Swinburne insinuates, Moxon & Co. quailed at the reviews of Poems and Ballads in part, because Edward Moxon's successors at the firm remembered the Queen Mab case.

This explores the ending and aftermath of the strike at a macro-level in Scotland, from October 1984 onwards. The roles of the Conservative government, NCB management and the police are considered. Community- and colliery-level factors remained paramount, with substantial resistance from below, even as this official resumption was underway. The immediate aftermath of the strike is then detailed, through examining the pit-level tensions and difficulties that followed, including relations between unions and management, and former strikers and former strike-breakers.

In this chapter, the author confronts the challenges of referencing a coherent civil society in South Korea and instead returns to foundational moments or events in democratic history from the Gwangju Uprising in 1980 to the Citizens’ Alliance for the 2000 General Elections (CAGE). This chapter provides an ethnographic account of the historical and contemporary entanglements that defined Roh Moo Hyun’s administration (2003-2008), civil movement organisations, and the author herself as an American anthropologist in South Korea.

This chapter provides an analysis of the photographs published in student newspapers during May and June 1968, considering these photographs not simply as an 'exercise in nostalgia', but as a path to re-explore, rethink and discuss the French May 1968. It discusses the contradictory character of the May movement and the failure of the student movement to connect with the workers' movement in an effective way. The students' demands were not restricted to the democratisation and decentralisation of the French educational system and the subsequent ending of class bias, the modernisation of an outdated curriculum and the decrease in unemployment. Photographs of policemen brutally beating protesters with truncheons appeared in almost all the issues of Action. The movement soon went far beyond its university origins to unite students, workers and professionals in a common struggle against General Charles de Gaulle's regime.

Rents for the new houses, and extra travel costs to work, were too high for the poorer tenants. The council selected tenants for its new estates and slum dwellers were not usually on the lists. By the late 1920s, focus was shifting away from general housing provision for the working classes to the much bigger problem of clearing and replacing the inner-city slums. The council was in a strong position when it came to clearing the slums, planning and building new houses. Preference for housing was an ideal shared by the council, social reformers and tenants alike. Investigators were left in no doubt that tenants wanted to live in cottages. Elements in the council and the voluntary sector believed that tenants, although victims of their environment, needed assistance in managing their homes. Reactions to slum-clearance plans in Hulme were an early indication of tenant capabilities when faced with unpopular policies.