This article examines the contributions of Bert Bolin, the first chair of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), to the collective understanding of the panel’s nature, operations and results, as well as his efforts to safeguard the credibility of the IPCC process in the face of criticism. Based on the scholarship on expertise and its relationship with the political process, I argue that Bolin’s contribution to that process can be summarized in three points. First, he acted as a mediator between producers of climate change knowledge and its users, in this case governments and corporations. Second, he selected and emphasized some of the information provided by the IPCC and used it to advocate for immediate action to tackle climate change. Third, he played a major role in legitimizing the IPCC as the best possible assessment organization, especially through boundary work. Additionally, it is suggested that Bolin’s role in the advisory process was not static but changed within an evolving political and social context. Through this case study, I aim to contribute to the scholarship that examines how environmental problems are defined and brought into the political arena, and the role of experts in this complex process.

All societies throughout time have shown a greater or lesser degree of superstition when facing the traumatic event of death. Roman society was no exception, especially when numerous religious currents participated in the funerary rituals, sharing their own conception and beliefs. The following lines present a brief overview of children’s death, especially premature ones, from the early Imperial to the late Imperial period, when they became more highly regarded. It is followed by the traumatic or marginal deaths of some individuals whose behaviour, illnesses or ways of dying were suspicious for their closest people: the article closes with the treatment given to certain women. All the deaths in this research aroused suspicions among their relatives or the authorities, who did not hesitate to practise rituals to calm them in the afterlife and ensure that they did not return to life as evil spirits. In this article we will focus on the practices that developed in the city of Onoba and its hinterland or influential area; a Roman colony located in the westernmost part of the province of Baetica, a port city of enormous importance for the Empire given its importance as a gateway for minerals coming from the Urium mines.

This paper examines the complex political-economic processes that shape contemporary forced displacement from Guatemala to the U.S. The study was driven by the following research question: How does capitalism and the historical context of forced migration in Guatemala relate to the creation and development of migrant-led organizations in the U.S. and the various types of leadership and political participation? Examining the political economy of Guatemalan migration to the Greater Los Angeles region and the activities of migrants and community organizations, I argue that neoliberal capitalism not only provokes the displacement of Guatemalan migrants as a social class of people from multiple racial and ethnic backgrounds, but it has also contributed to the emergence of distinct political Guatemalan diaspora organizations in the U.S. at the community, national, and transnational level. Furthermore, due to historical social relations in Guatemala, organizations have emerged in Southern California along ethnic, racial, and gender lines. Moreover, activism emerges within destination countries because exploitation and exclusion take on distinct forms beyond the specific economic and political forces that generate displacement in migrants’ origin countries. As such, these organizations have made significant contributions by safeguarding the human rights of Guatemalan migrants in the U.S. and have emerged based on the differences and inequalities faced by indigenous communities compared to non-indigenous (mestizo/ladino) groups as they and their organizations endure processes of “exclusionary inclusion” in the U.S.

Scholarship on Roman political thought and its legacy, especially anglophone, has rapidly expanded over the last decade. The main drivers of this renewed attention to Roman political ideas and institutions are an historical interest in the collapse of the Roman republic; a philosophical interest in republicanism; and a growing sensitivity to the originality of Roman thinkers, especially Cicero, in contrast to the older view that they were simply derivative of the Greeks. In this essay I will discuss recent publications on Cicero and Roman political ideas. After offering an overview of key themes in this new scholarship, I seek to suggest promising directions for future research and encourage the growing interest in Roman political thought and Cicero in particular. Cicero provides a fascinating link between ideas, institutions and action on the ground and he is therefore with good reason at the centre of much of the rapidly expanding literature on Roman political thought. In addition, given his interest in developing a theory of justice as the foundation of the state (res publica), a focus on Cicero will help explore the legacy of republicanism from the angle of his ideas about justice while paying attention to scholarship placing these ideas into their historical and institutional context.

The polar regions are famous for being inhospitable, difficult to access, and one of the final frontiers for exploration. The late 19th and early 20th centuries were filled with explorers seeking the achievement of being the first person to the Pole. These harrowing stories have action and adventure but lack a critical component: women. Women historically have not played a primary role in polar research or exploration. Many barriers to access existed such as prejudice, lack of education opportunity, and physical restrictions. Today, women have better access to the Antarctic and Arctic for research and research support but still face barriers to equitable participation. A “boys club” environment in stations can lead to women being excluded or subjected to sexual harassment. Despite this, the addition of women is shown to improve team dynamics, morale, and the culture within research stations. Women’s representation in polar research is better today than it’s ever been, yet there is still improvement being made for the future.

After the Great Financial Crisis of 2008, the United States (U.S.) and the European Union (EU) issued new domestic rules across a variety of financial services. Different politics and policy-making processes generated regulatory incompatibilities, and conflicts emerged as each side insisted the other adapt to its approach. Yet our original data covering eleven sub-sectors show that in a predominant cluster of cases, the two jurisdictions had by 2020 made adjustments and adopted integrationist regulation, which fosters cross-jurisdictional interoperability for financial companies through harmonization (increasing similarity and compatibility) or deference (accepting the regulation of other jurisdictions). The pattern has broad and surprising implications for the future of global finance in an era of rising economic nationalism and populist politics. Why, then, did Washington and Brussels move beyond the standoffs? What accounts for the integrationist turn? Our novel explanation features a “mutual accommodation” causal mechanism driven by the development in both jurisdictions of “border-policing” capacities, builds on a new generation of IPE research that is attentive to complexity and temporal process in accounting for global governance outcomes, and provides a pathway for qualitative researchers seeking to balance many new methodological and transparency demands.

The “revolutionary script” of Leninism was foundational to how the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cabo Verde (PAIGC) and Amilcar Cabral imagined the course of decolonization. Under-utilized archives and party documents highlight that the impact of the political-organizational model of Lenin was an early source of inspiration for PAIGC leaders, a fact which historians have not investigated in detail. The manner in which Leninism influenced the PAIGC was neither linear nor dogmatic, however. Dating from early exposure to Marxist texts in underground study circles to aborted attempts at launching armed struggle, party leaders constantly improvised upon the script with which they based their anti-colonial revolution.

Parents involved with child protective services (CPS) often face stressors that compromise their parenting; thus, it is critical to identify sources of resilience at multiple ecological levels. This study leveraged cross-sectional data from a study of CPS-involved parent-child dyads (N = 129). Most parents identified as having a minoritized racial/ethnic identity and as having low income. Parent responsive involvement, constructive discipline, and problematic discipline were coded from observations of parent-child interactions when children were approximately 4 years old (M = 4.19 years, SD = .34; 45.7% female). Neighborhood resource availability was assessed using the Childhood Opportunity Index, a publicly available measure of resources in a given census tract. Parental attachment was coded from the Adult Attachment Interview. Greater neighborhood resource availability and secure-autonomous parental attachment were associated with reduced problematic discipline. Additionally, parental attachment moderated the link between neighborhood resource availability and responsive involvement, such that autonomous parents in more resourced neighborhoods demonstrated strengths in positive, warm parenting. These findings highlight the potential of neighborhood resources and secure attachment to strengthen parenting, even in the face of adversity, supporting the resilience of families in marginalized communities.

The dynamics of self-excited shock train oscillations in a back pressured axisymmetric duct was investigated to deepen the understanding of the isolator/combustor coupling in high-speed propulsion systems. The test article consisted of an internal compression inlet followed by a constant area isolator, both having a circular cross-section. A systematic back pressure variation was implemented by using a combination of aerodynamic and physical blockages at the isolator exit. High bandwidth two-dimensional pressure field imaging was performed at $8\,{\rm kHz}$ repetition rate within the isolator for different back pressure settings. The acquisition rate was considerably higher than the dominant frequency of the shock train oscillations across the different back pressure settings. The power spectral density of the pressure fluctuations beneath the leading shock foot exhibited broadband low frequency oscillations across all back pressures that resembled the motions of canonical shock–boundary layer interaction units. A node in the vicinity of reattachment location that originated the pressure perturbations within the separation shock was also identified, which further ascertained that the leading shock low frequency motions were driven by the separation bubble pulsations. Above a threshold back pressure, additional peaks appeared at distinct higher frequencies that resembled the acoustic modes within the duct. However, none of the earlier expressions of the resonance acoustic frequency within a straight duct agreed with the experimentally observed value. Cross-spectral analyses suggested that these modes were caused by the shock interactions with upstream propagating acoustic waves that emanate from the reattachment location, originally proposed for transonic diffusers by Robinet & Casalis (2001) Phys. Fluids 13, 1047–1059. Feedback interactions described using one-dimensional stability analysis of the shock perturbations by obliquely travelling acoustic waves (Robinet & Casalis 2001 Phys. Fluids 13, 1047–1059) made favourable comparisons on the back pressure threshold that emanated the acoustic modes as well as the acoustic mode frequencies.

Care theorists have had enough. Decades of neoliberalism, followed by financial crisis, austerity, gender backlash, and, in 2020, a worldwide infectious disease pandemic, have clearly tested their patience. The titles alone of three recent books on the ethics and politics of care suggest a change in tone; indeed, “radical,” “revolutionary,” and “manifesto” are generally not words we associate with the scholarship of those interested in the everyday practices of responding to the needs of others. And yet for Maurice Hamington, Lynne Segal, and co-authors Jennifer Nedelsky and Tom Malleson, these quotidian practices, and the ethos that underlies them, are more radical than they seem. Indeed, these volumes suggest that a commitment to care—a commitment that is both ideational/ethical and material—is necessary to usher in the kind of politics we so desperately need today. It could be, then, that with their latest books, these authors are edifying and formalizing what we might call the “radical turn” in research on care—a turn that can be roughly said to have begun in 2020 with the Care Collective’s The Care Manifesto (Verso) and the parallel Care Manifesto (Femnet) written by and for women of Africa, Asia, and Latin America a year later.

One common approach to solve multi-objective reinforcement learning (MORL) problems is to extend conventional Q-learning by using vector Q-values in combination with a utility function. However issues can arise with this approach in the context of stochastic environments, particularly when optimising for the scalarised expected reward (SER) criterion. This paper extends prior research, providing a detailed examination of the factors influencing the frequency with which value-based MORL Q-learning algorithms learn the SER-optimal policy for an environment with stochastic state transitions. We empirically examine several variations of the core multi-objective Q-learning algorithm as well as reward engineering approaches and demonstrate the limitations of these methods. In particular, we highlight the critical impact of the noisy Q-value estimates issue on the stability and convergence of these algorithms.

In this article, we examine the determinants of citizens’ democratic preferences in federal states with politically significant national or linguistic diversity. Using original survey data from Belgium, Canada and Switzerland, we test whether members of national or linguistic minorities prefer different (electoral, direct or deliberative) forms of decision-making than majority members – since some give advantage to them more than others. While we find effects of citizens’ objective and subjective minority-majority position on their democratic preferences, individual-level predictors such as satisfaction with the current functioning of democracy, economic well-being and political ideology remain at least as strong predictors. These findings enrich the literatures on democratic fatigue, reform and innovation by showing that even in states with significant national-linguistic diversity, democratic preferences seem to transcend communities, indicating room for cross-group consensus. Yet, since group-level factors have some relevance, democratic reforms need to pay attention to them to be inclusive of all societal segments.

Over the past two decades, political science has produced varied examples of ethnographic approaches. These approaches have not only tackled epistemological dilemmas but also exposed a second methodological dimension of ethnographic practice that is not so systematically explored: the relationship of researchers to their research participants. In this article, we focus on this second dimension, using emblematic texts in political science, especially in comparative politics, to develop a fourfold typology of political ethnographies that takes into account the emotional dynamics between researchers and participants. We use this typology to analyze various gradations through which these emotional dynamics develop in fieldwork. Focusing on the navigation between distance and proximity that these dynamics entail, we propose the concept of “emotional proximity” to capture relations between the researcher and the participant. We investigate the validity of this novel typology by applying it to ethnographic studies of far-right actors. The political distance separating researchers and participants in these studies allows us to investigate the methodologies of disconnecting political from emotional dynamics across this fourfold schema of ethnographic varieties. We argue that the “infidelity” of emotional distance (instead of proximity) is not an objectivist epistemological necessity but a methodological tool that is indispensable to the practice of participant observation.