This article examines whether mass deforestation could be prosecuted as a crime against humanity under Article 7 of the Rome Statute. It does so in respect of the situation in the Brazilian Legal Amazon in 2019–2021, where the unbridled exploitation and destruction of the rainforest had a disastrous impact at local, regional and global levels. The article covers three main aspects. First, it explores the existing limits of international criminal law for prosecuting mass deforestation as a crime against humanity, and the contours within which criminalization would be possible. Secondly, it discusses the challenges inherent in the anthropocentric nature of the chapeau requirement of Article 7 for the criminalization of mass deforestation under that provision. Thirdly, it analyses the extent to which mass deforestation could qualify as persecution and/or an ‘other inhumane act’ under Articles 7(1)(h) and (k) of the Rome Statute.

The article presents an annotated edition of a newly recorded Soqotri text about a wild man. The authors attempt to locate the story within a wide range of “wild/feral” men narratives. The protagonist of the Soqotri story displays a set of features cross-culturally ascribed to wild men, and the narrative pattern of the account demonstrates a sequence of plot elements and motifs characteristic of this tale-type. The article includes a comparison of the Soqotri tale to the Enkidu narrative known from the Akkadian Epic of Gilgameš. Although both focus on the contact between human society and a wild outsider, the two stories develop the subject differently: while Enkidu loses his wild traits and becomes “civilized”, the Soqotri hero dies unable either to join the human community or to preserve his wild nature once people have interfered with his life.

Studies of pre-bomb mollusks live-collected around the Australian coastline have concluded that near-shore marine radiocarbon reservoir effects are small and relatively uniform. These studies are based on limited samples of sometimes dubious quality representing only selective parts of Australia’s lengthy coastline. We systematically examine spatial variability in the marine radiocarbon reservoir effect (ΔR) through analysis of 292 live-collected mollusk samples across the Australian mainland coasts and near-shore islands subject to strict selection criteria. This study presents 233 new ΔR values combined with an evaluation of 59 previously published values. Results demonstrate significant spatial variability in marine radiocarbon reservoir effects across the study region. ΔR values range from 68 ± 24 14C years off the Pilbara region of Western Australia to –337 ± 46 14C years in the southern Gulf of Carpentaria in Queensland. Most sets of local values exhibit internal consistency, reflecting the dominant influence of regional oceanography, including depletion in ΔR values southwards along the eastern Australian coastline coincident with the East Australian Current. Anomalous values are attributed to inaccurate documentation, species-specific relationships with the carbon cycle and/or short-term fluctuations in marine radiocarbon activities. To account for the heterogeneous distribution of marine 14C, we recommend using a location specific ΔR value calculated using the Australian ΔR Calculator, available at: https://delta-r-calc.jcu.io/.

The focus of this article is the range of feminisms which circulate through Belfast-based Oona Doherty's choreographies for groups of women, namely the second episode of Hard to Be Soft: A Belfast Prayer (2017), which is titled ‘Sugar Army', and Lady Magma: The Birth of a Cult (2019). This analysis is motivated by the need to expand discussion of feminisms in tandem with examination of more complex identities in Northern Ireland: to look beyond a Nationalist–Unionist binary within post-conflict society and examine the intersections of gender, class and race. Tracking the movement of feminisms through Doherty's choreographies will explore how they mobilize, and fail, these women, as well as revealing the potential for, and pitfalls of, community and solidarity. Doherty's work has the potential to mobilize a dynamic intergenerational and intersectional feminism which recognizes the experiences of ‘differently positioned women’.

This article investigates the relationship between caste and Islam in Bengal at a time when they acquired heightened significance as markers of identity for the colonial state and between communities. Scholarship, mainly drawing on North India, has emphasised the contrast between the existence in practice of a hierarchical system of social stratification among Muslims and the ideals and traditions of Islamic egalitarianism. This article, however, shows that caste-based struggles and tensions produced a revolutionary Islam. I suggest that the subversive potential of Islamic egalitarianism, described in early Islam by Louise Marlow, was kept alive by low-caste Bengali Muslims. The social reality of caste enabled multiple understandings of what it meant to be a Muslim, and the more radical among them were subaltern ontologies—different meanings of what it was to be a Muslim in the world. Here, I analyse writings on caste by four unreliable narrators around the turn of the twentieth century—a British colonial ethnographer, an ashrāfī Muslim anthropologist, and two Muslim reformers—to describe the politics and lifeworlds of low-caste Muslim groups in Bengal. The article argues for a more nuanced understanding of this period of Islamic reform and development, one that is conscious of the subaltern currents shaping its course. I show how a reformist politics of ‘rejection’ of elite Islam emerged as a response to the problem of caste inequality. These discourses and practices repudiating elite Muslim titles, centring histories of labour, and emphasising equality as an embodied experience reveal the revolutionary potentialities of a subaltern Islam.

This article analyses the cross-carrying pilgrimages to Vézelay and Walsingham, staged between 1946 and 1948. These were aimed at achieving peace, penance, and reconciliation at a time when communism was on the rise, there were fears that war would return, and the nuclear threat was real. Encompassing several contingents (or Stations), these religious post-war Catholic pilgrimages stand in contrast to the ‘secular’ pilgrimages to battlefields and cemeteries after 1918. Yet they retained a strong military element because of the substantial involvement of veterans, and their organisation, leadership and articulation. This article argues that the pilgrimages gave veteran pilgrims a chance to continue their service in the form of direct spiritual action, utilising their wartime experiences in the context of pilgrimage in order to conduct these physically challenging journeys. It will also explore the wider aims of atoning for wartime actions, and the ways in which the pilgrims were received by the communities they passed through. Whilst ultimately unsustainable due to their novelty and complexity, they laid a foundation for military-penitential pilgrimages, provided an outlet for spiritual and worldly concerns, and presented Catholics (especially in Britain) in a positive light in the years immediately after the Second World War.

The article discusses five literature strands’ approaches towards social protection systems in the context of climate crisis: Adaptive Social Protection, Just Transition, Green New Deal, Post-growth, and Eco-feminism. As we argue, these five strands are located on a spectrum between a green growth orientation and a green anti-capitalist orientation. Furthermore, they differ in terms of their problematisation of the climate crisis and have different perspectives on relevant actors, on world regions, and – most relevant in the context of social welfare – their conceptualisation of social protection. While Adaptive Social Protection emphasizes cash transfers and insurances, Green New Deal and Just Transition approaches focus more on redistribution and labour market policies, and Post-growth and Eco-feminist approaches more on universalist policies and systems. We argue that these literatures each have their weaknesses, but also offer urgent questions, concepts, and insights for further social policy research.

Biobased content analysis is a well-established, analytically independent, standardized method to determine the biobased content of fuels and plastics, based on differences of the specific radiocarbon (14C) activity of fossil and recent biogenic compounds. This biogenic content analysis can be useful for the producers as a quality assurance tool, for the customers as feedback about the truly biobased products and for the control organizations as an independent analytical tool to prove the biological origin. More than 100 commercially available foods, cosmetics, and drug samples have been used for biobased carbon content analysis by accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) 14C measurement to demonstrate the potential of this technique. Our results show that this measurement technique is a unique tool for the determination of biocontent in foodstuff and medical products. Most of the tested materials were nearly or completely biobased (≥ 98 pMC), and no completely fossil-based final product was detected. The lowest biogenic compound was measured in a vanilla aroma flavor. In 45 of the 102 samples selected a wide range (2–98%) presented fossil-based carbon content. The method can be applied for monitoring raw materials and final products for biobased content in the industry and consumer protection as well.