This article addresses how air services agreements (ASAs) are starting to be used to regulate carbon emissions from international aviation. International aviation is regulated by a combination of multilateral aviation-specific conventions and bilateral ASAs. The Chicago Convention of 1944 and annexes that contain the Standards and Recommended Practices (SARPs) are the primary multilateral sources of international aviation law. These SARPs mainly cover the technical requirements of aviation safety with the notable exception of Annex 16: Environmental Protection. With the goal of reducing the climate impact of aviation-related carbon emissions, the Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation (CORSIA) was adopted as SARPs. However, the legal status of SARPs remains controversial. Since they are not an integral part of the Chicago Convention, they do not have the same legal force as the convention itself. Although the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) adopts and manages SARPs, it lacks a way to enforce compliance. Despite this limitation, however, bilateral ASAs give SARPs legal force. ASAs determine the level of aviation market access between states, and most ASAs permit the imposition of operational bans in case of non-compliance with SARPs on safety standards. From exclusively dealing with the exchange of commercial rights for international air transport, a new generation of ASAs has started to cover environmental protection. Based on a review of 620 publicly available ASAs, this article assesses how SARPs on aviation safety are effectively enforced by ASAs and anticipates how SARPs on carbon emissions will gradually follow suit.

Much is known about the factors that shape partisan campaign activism in the United States and other democracies. In contrast to this voluminous literature, political scientists have given relatively little attention to an emerging phenomenon in contemporary party politics: the mobilization via “emigrant party branches” of partisans living outside of the territorial borders of their native country. We address this gap in the literature through an analysis of Democrats Abroad—the official overseas arm of the US Democratic Party—during the 2024 election cycle. Drawing from an original two-wave panel survey of party members, we demonstrate that some of the forces that prompt campaign activism in the domestic United States hold for partisans overseas. At the same time, factors pertaining to the migration experience and settlement in another country also affect engagement in American campaigns. Most notably, we find that overseas Democrats who become integrated into the party system of their residential country are more likely to participate in American elections from the distance. This finding contributes a fresh perspective to models of political transnationalism and “campaign spillover” in electoral research—that is, the impact that partisan engagement in one context has on subsequent involvement in separate domains.

Political news consumption is highly uneven today: few people consume from news outlets directly, while many encounter news incidentally through social media and aggregators. Because outlets depend on direct consumers for revenue, they respond primarily to this core audience’s preferences. Several contemporary styles of news coverage—which emphasize partisan conflict, employ specialized jargon, engage in predictive analysis, and use clickbait language—are attractive to core consumers, but may also make news less accessible for others. In a pre-registered survey experiment (n = 2,233), I show that, relative to a public interest style that prioritizes key information about policy and democratic norms, typical news styles weaken post-exposure recall of key news information—that is, they are under-informative. Recall penalties are especially severe for those with lower baseline political engagement, yet still affect highly engaged consumers as well. This study shows that contemporary approaches to news coverage broadly under-serve the public by inhibiting political learning.

This article examines the many afterlives of the Tendaguru Expedition—a 1909–13 fossil excavation in the colony of German East Africa that unearthed the tallest mounted dinosaur in the world, still on display in Berlin. The long process of dinosaur assembly, which took more than three decades, meant that the Tendaguru project effectively outlived the German empire. Accounts of the expedition alongside the dinosaur exhibitions served as attempts to both theorize prehistoric life and write a history of the empire in terms compatible with the many twentieth-century German regimes that followed. These (re)negotiations of Tendaguru were reckoned with an ever-growing list of lost worlds: the prehistoric, the imperial, the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich, and the postwar Germanies. At stake in these dinosaur stories was not merely the progress of some neutral, apolitical, or abstract paleontological science but rather national pride, international authority, civilizational superiority, and imperial legitimacy.

This article investigates the role of European Union regulation in shaping EU companies’ resilience when their supply chains encounter risks in the EU internal market, focusing on the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) as a representative case. In light of increasing global disruptions, the EU has adopted regulatory measures that embed sustainability, human rights, and environmental protection into corporate governance. Through doctrinal analysis and structured coding of legal provisions, the article examines how the CSDDD influences EU companies’ capacity to anticipate, absorb and adapt to supply chain shocks. It argues that while integrating multiple policy objectives within a single legal framework is both necessary and inevitable, doing so requires legal flexibility and institutional design that account for EU companies’ interdependent resilience capabilities. The analysis highlights the importance of adaptive regulatory mechanisms in ensuring that EU law remains effective and coherent in a rapidly changing global environment.

Several Monochamus species (Coleoptera: Cerambycidae) use monochamol as an aggregation-sex pheromone, raising questions about how they maintain reproductive isolation. Herbivorous insects use host plant semiochemicals as cues for mate location and, with or without habitat cues, these could confer reproductive isolation among sympatric Monochamus spp. To test this hypothesis, host and habitat preferences in mate location were examined for sympatric populations of Monochamus maculosus, Monochamus notatus, and Monochamus scutellatus in the Algoma District, Ontario, Canada. Field experiments were performed to investigate whether differences in host preference, vertical distribution across the forest canopy, spatial distribution within down and standing dead trees, or any combination of these factors could minimise cross-attraction to monochamol. Results showed that more M. maculosus were attracted to monochamol combined with jack pine foliage than with balsam fir or white spruce, whereas no differences in host attractivity were observed for the other species. Vertical abundance of M. maculosus and M. scutellatus was similar across forests. Spatial distribution provided limited evidence for species segregation within hosts. No evidence was found that host or habitat preferences contribute to reproductive isolation in M. maculosus, M. notatus, or M. scutellatus, suggesting that vertical distribution could be driven by resource availability.

Election integrity is paramount to democratic health. The Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC) is a multistate collaboration that facilitates essential election administration functions, whereby members share administrative data to ensure clean voter registration lists and to encourage individuals who are eligible but unregistered (EBUs) to register to vote. Despite ERIC’s primary focus on maintaining the accuracy of voter rolls, in 2022, some conservatives accused it of being a tool for partisan electioneering, prompting nine Republican-led states to leave ERIC. To assess the validity of a central criticism made against ERIC, we leverage field experiments conducted by member states during the 2016 elections in Pennsylvania and Nevada (i.e., two important swing states). We find no empirical evidence to support the claim that outreach to EBUs yielded a partisan advantage: ERIC’s registration efforts had little differential effect on party registration or turnout. This article discusses the importance of efforts to maintain accurate voter rolls and to encourage greater participation for promoting confidence in our democratic system.

On 18 June 2024, a fire devastated Block D of the Barbados Department of Archives (BDA), destroying irreplaceable local governance and health records. This disaster underscores the fragility of Caribbean archives, which face chronic underfunding, aging infrastructure, and climatic threats such as humidity, pests, and mold. Barbados’s documentary heritage is dispersed across local and global repositories. While digitization offers improved access, it cannot replace original records and introduces new risks of technological obsolescence and cost barriers. Post-pandemic, the BDA fire and closures of other local repositories disrupted research access for over a year, reminding us that archives need to be accessible for safeguarding national memory and governance. This article places the BDA fire within a larger context of regional vulnerabilities and examines policy gaps in disaster risk reduction (DRR) for Small Island Developing States (SIDS) in archives management. It argues for integrated strategies that balance modernization with conservation, prioritize cultural heritage in national planning, and strengthen collaboration among professional heritage managers in galleries, libraries, archives, and museums (GLAM). Sustained investment and transparent reporting are essential to protect and manage Barbados’s archives.

The display of ancestral human remains in museums is a contentious ethical issue, raising concerns around the dignity and respect for ancestral lived lives versus the role of remains for education and scientific enquiry. Against the backdrop of recent debates sparked by the deinstallation of ancestral remains at several museums (e.g., the removal of the Shuar tsantsas at the Pitt Rivers Museum) and revisions of national and international ethics codes, this essay explores the role of two methodologies – a trial and interactive workshop – in producing inclusive spaces to support ethical decision making and practice. Digital participation technologies were used to support an accessible mode of participation that was anonymous – allowing attendees to express opinions about emotive and challenging subjects, such as ancestral human remains. For both examples, attendees and participants identified key priority and action areas for the sector and within their places of work. The activities will contribute to a wider research project that is investigating value and ethical disagreements and polarization within museums.

One of the most relevant types of human-made disasters, due to its intense and long-lasting effects on health, is the so-called Complex Emergency (CE) or Complex Humanitarian Emergency, defined since the early 1990s as “a relatively acute situation affecting a large civilian population, usually involving a combination of a situation of war or massive civil disturbance, food insecurity or shortage, and population displacement, resulting in a significant increase in mortality.”

This article discusses the University of Kansas’s Kenneth Spencer Research Library as an unexpectedly rich resource for British and Irish studies. The library’s location in Lawrence, Kansas, at a distance from the coastal research corridors, means that its collections tend to be underexplored, despite their significance. Spencer Library’s strength in eighteenth-century British imprints is complemented by extensive manuscript holdings. Among these are several centuries of estate papers for Britain’s prominent North family, and manuscripts documenting the Asiento (agreement) and England’s trade in supplying captive Africans to Spanish colonies in the Americas in the papers of Arthur Moore. Particularly noteworthy is the library of writer, civil servant, and Irish nationalist P. S. O’Hegarty, which offers scholars an unparalleled resource for Anglo-Irish relations and Irish history, culture, and politics. O’Hegarty’s collecting of scarce and ephemeral material, on the one hand, and books with significant provenance, on the other, makes his library a valuable resource for researchers even in an age of digitized text.

Scholars and political observers, alike, have associated political polarization with the weakening of democratic norms and the undermining of accountability, as partisans trade off the public interest against in-group loyalty. We probe how in-group bias shapes support for collective goods in actual high-stakes settings in an especially polarized democracy. Conducting survey experiments in Poland, we examine two scenarios: electoral integrity during the 2023 parliamentary election that could have entrenched authoritarian rule and national security after Russia’s 2022 invasion of neighboring Ukraine. Our findings show pronounced partisan bias undermining support for electoral integrity – approximately 40 per cent of party supporters with an average level of partisanship supported rerunning an election when their party unexpectedly lost – but less bias in judgments about national security, raising the possibility that individuals may view democracy as more of an instrumental than an intrinsic good.

Richard Bambach was a leading figure in the “paleobiology revolution” of the late 1960s and 1970s, keeping the movement grounded with his keen geological and ecological insights. With interests ranging from the functional biology of individual organisms to the largest macroevolutionary trends in the history of life, he was especially adept at linking paleoecological and macroevolutionary patterns across spatiotemporal scales. He authored seminal publications during five different decades and was recognized with both the Moore Medal from the Society for Sedimentary Geology and the Paleontological Society Medal.

Outside the conventional scope of national security, States characterize a plethora of issues as security concerns in present-day international affairs. While the securitization of unconventional issues has been studied extensively in relation to national security exceptions under economic treaties, States’ use of unconventional security claims in invoking public policy exceptions, where the legal text contains no security-related terms, has attracted less academic attention. This article investigates the WTO judiciary’s approach to unconventional security claims raised under the GATT/GATS general exceptions, focusing on energy security as a case study. It demonstrates how the WTO judiciary has used two ‘old’ legal techniques from well-established general exceptions jurisprudence to examine ‘new’ energy security claims: framing regulatory objectives and identifying origin-based discriminations. The article finds that the WTO judiciary tends to be more permissive with energy security claims that are more closely related to the conventional, defence-oriented security notion; claims that are more distant from the conventional conception are also given substantial regard, but subject to more cautious scrutiny.